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Electoral Chief Reports 74pc Turnout, Security Closures, Ballot Irregularities

Melatewerk Hailu, chief of the national electoral board, disclosed an election day defined by three competing realities of high turnout, security-related disruption, and irregularities serious enough to trigger disciplinary action.

According to the Board’s account, security conditions, administrative failures, and alleged misconduct converged in different parts of the country, producing an election day that was neither uniformly successful nor disrupted.

Preliminary data gathered by the Board’s desk experts indicated that no less than 40 million voters across the country but in Tigray Regional State had cast their ballots as of 8:00pm last night. Briefing the media at 1:10am, at the Skylight Hote, on Africa Avenue (Bole Road), Melatwork, early disclosure, if confirmed through formal tabulation, would point to a heavy turnout across the country of 74pc.

However, the Board’s own account also showed that the vote did not unfold evenly. While many regions completed voting on time, the process in Addis Abeba was extended uuntil midnight and beyond to accommodate long queues of citizens still waiting to vote.

Melatewerk confirmed that voters already in line before the closing time were permitted to vote, while no new voters were allowed to join the queues after the extension. However, in many areas voters were seen arriving even after 6:00pm and allowed to vote.
The pressure on the process was not limited to long queues.

The Board’s Chief confirmed that 143 polling stations nationwide did not open due to security concerns. Several areas faced specific disruptions that either suspended voting entirely or left the process incomplete.

In Burji, the Board ordered the total closure of a polling station after election officials were caught marking ballots themselves.
“These officials will face legal and disciplinary measures,” Melatwork told the media.

Voting remains suspended in Mekosa because of ongoing security problems. In Bilo Pa, the Board has decided to facilitate voting today, June 2, 2026, since voting could not be completed today. In Kuta Ber, four of 19 polling stations remained closed. In Kerha, the situation remains unchanged because there were no specific security improvements.

Irregularities also surfaced in Addis Abeba, where individuals in civilian clothes were observed interfering with procedures.
“The Board is compiling reports from these stations and will issue formal decisions once all evidence is reviewed,” said Melatwork.

Reports of property damage and accidents at certain polling sites have also reached the Board, which said detailed investigations are underway to confirm the extent of the destruction.

As voting closed in most areas, the transition to counting began in early hours. In places where counting cannot be completed due to late hours or safety concerns, ballot boxes are “to be sealed and secured in a ‘safe place’ and opened for counting the following day.”

The immediate challenge for the Board has shifted from managing queues and security interruptions to safeguarding the integrity of the count.

Addis Abeba Vote Ending Peacefully Despite Pressure on Polling System

By the time the last light faded over Addis Abeba, the pressure at some polling stations had begun to ease.

At Gerji Roba polling station in Woreda 13, the number of voters waiting in queues had decreased substantially in the past hour, leaving fewer than 50 people outside a station that earlier in the evening had seen hundreds. Elsewhere, the city’s electoral machinery moved unevenly toward closure, revealing both the discipline of voters and the fragility of the administrative systems meant to serve them.

At the “Teramaj” polling station in Woreda 1, the system worked almost precisely as designed. By evening, 739 of the 821 registered voters had cast their ballots, a turnout of about 90pc, leaving election executives to wait idly for the final 82.

In Yeka District’s  Woreda 2, the situation was different. A late surge forced voting to be extended until midnight, turning what had been expected to be a routine finish into a test of endurance for election workers, observers and voters.

The turnout pressures were not uniform, order was visible, but the process depended heavily on the capacity of each polling station to absorb late voters, verify names and preserve public confidence. In some places, queues thinned. In others, voting hours stretched deep into the night.

In Addis Abeba’s Council races, the political field had fragmented into a crowded battlefield. A single regional race drew 122 candidates, including 32 from the opposition Hidase Party, 24 from a prominent coalition, and 23 from the ruling Prosperity Party. High-profile figures, including Enatalem Melese, the minister of Government Communications Services, faced an array of minor party challengers, among them candidates from the Selam for Ethiopia Party.

Some polling stations were tightly packed with observers, ranging from a four-person coalition bloc to representatives from the opposition EZEMA party and independent Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). Their presence demonstrated a contest watched not only by voters and candidates, but by political organisations intent on documenting every step of the process, from the opening minutes to the counting of ballots.

At the polling station in Lideta Health College, a 20-year-old female student stood in queue for five hours, only to be turned away when election executives informed her that her name could not be found on the register. Like many young voters in the capital, she admitted she was initially reluctant to participate, fearing political or personal consequences for her family. She had only joined the queue at 10:00am on her family’s insistence.

“There is no my name. I can’t vote,” she said, her voice a mix of exhaustion and quiet resignation. “I’m here because of my family’s order to vote, not because I wanted.”

A similar administrative failure played out at Mesrake Goh School in the Kirkos District, where a steady trickle of citizens, including a woman turned away late in the evening, were sent home because their names were missing from the registry books.

Outside, in the courtyard, a small circle of residents who had already voted or given up on the process gathered to talk and laugh, creating a surreal pocket of lightheartedness against an otherwise demanding evening.

In other instances, the registry errors resembled a bureaucratic comedy of errors. At the Jagema Kelo station in Nifas Silk Lafto District, one voter was told he was at the wrong site and was directed to an adjacent station. Upon arriving there, electoral officials promptly sent him right back. He was eventually sent to a third station.

Despite these localised frustrations, the broader narrative of the day was one of order, calm and peaceful, a reality not taken for granted in a country with a history of turbulent transitions. The calm was not the absence of problems, but the ability of voters, observers and polling staff to absorb them without visible breakdown.

“I’ve been through many elections, but I’ve never seen such a peaceful and calm election,” said Menbere Ketsela, an election observer for the EZEMA party at Jagema Kelo. “Even as the sun beat down on them or the cold set in, people waited very patiently, sitting down, and casting their votes in a highly disciplined and civil manner.”

According to Menbere, the process had not been free of tensions. In the morning, she was barred from taking photos of the opening official minutes by a station chief. But she witnessed the process had remained transparent.

“We’ll be capturing the final minutes and the ballot-counting process this evening through both video and photos,” she told Fortune. “Poll workers had spent the day treating observers to roasted barley (Qolo), and bottled water.”

By late evening, finality was settling over the city. At Jagema Kelo, only four voters remained in line. Against the schoolroom wall, three ballot boxes for the city Council election sat entirely full, padlocked and sealed. Next to them, a lone box for the federal Parliament sat locked and waiting, a heavy plastic vault holding the immediate political future of a country.

Electoral Board Extends Voting Past Deadline as Manual System Bottleneck Strands Voters

The order came as dusk settled over most polling stations, turning what should have been the close of polling into a test of endurance for voters, officials and the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE).

Faced with vast queues, exhausted staff and a sudden breakdown in digital voter verification, the Board took the extraordinary step of extending voting hours beyond the official 6:00pm deadline, directing polling stations to remain open until every voter already in line had cast a ballot.

Invoking emergency powers under law passed 2021, NEBE announced that no polling station could close while eligible voters who had joined queues before the cutoff remained unserved. Electoral officials on the ground acknowledged that the worst-hit districts of Addis Abeba could continue processing ballots until midnight, while observers warned that containment delays could stretch into Tuesday morning.
The decision exposed the logistical fragility behind an election carrying heavy political stakes. What began as a technical interruption in digital verification became, in several metropolitan polling centres, a manual registration bottleneck that slowed voting to a crawl.

In Arada District, central polling coordinators abandoned digital registries and began transferring voter information onto manual paper logs. At Wereda 5, station managers separated manual ledger books into three sections to distribute the administrative burden. By nightfall, only 400 of 1,148 registered citizens had been processed, forcing an extension.
A selected Addis Abeba electoral sample compiled from field reports by Fortune staff showed the scale of unfinished voting.
Arada District, Wereda 5, had 1,148 registered voters, with 400 processed by 6:00pm. Kirkos, in the Dembel area, had 1,500 registered voters, with fewer than 750 processed by 6:00pm.
At Nifas Silk Lafto’s Gagema Kelo station, where roughly 1,500 voters were registered, the process remained unfinished, with about 300 people still queued into the evening. In Bole District’s Gerji Woreda 13, disorganisation triggered localized altercations as lines collapsed, and polling heads barred media, accredited by the Board, access while attempting to restore order.

In Kirkos District, behind Dembel City Centre, registered voters reported waits of more than four hours. All four stations were placed under extended voting.

While parts of Addis Abeba struggled under procedural paralysis, the Somali Regional State, including Jijiga, concluded voting on schedule and without notable security incidents, a performance attributed to tight coordination between local security forces and electoral executives.

In Adama, in Oromia Regional State, polling stations closed their gates and moved toward counting, but officials noted a major deficit in final turnout. They attributed the drop not to voter apathy but to infrastructure deficits, including a total suspension of public taxi services that stranded business people far from assigned precincts and online registration errors that redirected hundreds to other districts.

Inside the polling apparatus, the extended hours deepened frustration.

At Jagema Kelo in Nifas Silk Lafto, where nearly 300 people remained in line well into the evening, poll workers openly criticised the Board’s directive.

“The number of voters and the available staff are not balanced,” Sultan Juhar, an election official, told Fortune. “There should have been additional manpower, They are forcing us. We were to work for 24 hours. If more staff had been deployed at this station, the process would have been completed much faster.”

As fatigue mounted and tempers flared, federal police moved late Monday to secure polling station perimeters across Addis Abeba. Under strict directives, officers blocked new arrivals from joining queues, locking down the active voting pools to let exhausted officials clear the backlog in the dark amid growing concern over procedural credibility.

Civil Society Monitor Finds Polling Broadly Accessible Across the Country

Kassaw Amsalu (MD) stood in the dust outside the Yeka Health Centre, on Fikremariam Abatechan St., not far from the British Embassy, checking his watch as the morning heat began to bake the pavement.

A veterinary health professional with two young children waiting at home, Kassaw had arrived at 7:45am, determined to cast his ballot in the seventh general elections, where electoral board officials declared over 54 million citizens like him have been registered to vote.

More than four hours later, he remained wedged in the middle of a slow-moving queue, one voter among many testing the limits of voters’ patience.

“A country is not built in a single day,” Kassaw told Fortune, adjusting his place in a line that stretched down the block. “By voting today, I feel I am fulfilling my responsibility to leave a peaceful and democratic country for my children tomorrow.”

His vigil captured the paradox that ran through polling day across the country. The appetite for participation was visible and, in places, tenacious. However, it collided with an electoral machinery burdened by administrative oversights, uneven logistics, procedural lapses, and security risks, turning the act of voting into a test of endurance.

According to the Coalition of Ethiopian Civil Society Organisations for Elections (CECOE), civic monitoring itself mirrored the scale of the exercise.
The Coalition deployed 2,258 stationary observers at assigned posts and 891 mobile observers travelling across regional states, forming a civil grid of 3,149 nationwide observers. Its reports, released midday today, June 1, 2026, at the Golden Tulipc Hotel, off Cameroon St., (near Bole Medihanialem Church) offer a picture of a system that was operating, but under strain.

At the Yeka polling station, where 1,500 voters were registered to choose among 14 political parties for the federal parliament and 27 candidates for the city council, the delay was due to basic administrative shortcomings.

Election officials had to cross-reference every voter’s identity against a single ledger of 1,500 names. The list was neither alphabetised nor sorted by voter number, forcing poll workers to search manually through hundreds of pages for each voter.

“The absence of any numbering system or alphabetical order has subjected voters to avoidable frustration and lengthy waiting times,” said Selamawit Adugna, a representative for the opposition Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice Party (EZEMA), as the queue barely moved.

The same patience was not equally distributed across generations. At St. Markos School in Yeka Woreda 1, a high-stakes precinct featuring 112 regional council candidates, observers saw lines dominated by older citizens, with a distinct absence of young voters.

“We anticipated seeing a much stronger youth presence,” said Eyerusalem Wasihun, an observer representing the Addis Ababa Youth Association (AYA), who monitored the station alongside party agents from the ruling Prosperity Party (PP) and its electoral opponents. “The weak turnout among youth could signal a growing disconnect between young citizens and formal political processes.”

That disconnect appeared differently where economic disruption had already reshaped daily life. In Gelan Gura, an urban village heavily displaced by recent corridor infrastructure developments, voting carried mixed emotions.

“I cast my vote for a party I believe will build a peaceful country, a place where the youth can work,” said Kuribachew Mulatu, 39, after standing in line.

Nearby, 23-year-old Selamawit Debebe offered a darker verdict.

“I see this as a waste of taxpayer money,” she said after voting out of what she said “pressure”.

“I’ve no interest in knowing who wins the election. I’m just glad I am going home.”

For others, the ballot remained a practical instrument. At the heavily male-dominated queues of the Koye Tulu Mute polling station, where voters moved past independent monitors, Getahun Chala, a 38-year-old farmer voting for the third time, viewed the election through livelihoods.

“I think my vote will make a difference for us farmers in gaining better access to fertilisers and other essential supplies,” he told Fortune.

Beyond these precincts, the Coalition’s midterm data from 2,258 stationary polling stations showed an electoral apparatus functioning, but fragile.

Ninety-nine percent of monitored stations granted civil observers full, unhindered access to check polling files, while 17 locations barred or delayed independent monitors at the gates.

“While 99pc of stations respected independent credentials, local officials in Central Ethiopia’s Hadiya Zone outright blocked observers, claiming national credentials didn’t override local ledgers,” the Coalition said.

Ninety-seven percent of stations saw election officials arrive on time to organise voting materials before the official start at 6:00am, but 50 stations were left waiting between three hours or more for managers to arrive. Only 42pc of stations began casting ballots exactly at the designated early morning mark.

In Addis Abeba’s Kirkos District, observers documented unauthorised individuals entering voting booths to “guide” voters. At one precinct, a woman was “caught illicitly assisting 14 separate voters” before the station chief ejected her. Elsewhere, political parties distributed partisan literature within the legally restricted 200m radius of ballot boxes.

Staffing levels were stronger than the logistics. Ninety-five percent of stations met the legal baseline of three or more election officials present at opening. Sixty-one percent of local poll operations had at least one female official, and 31pc had more than one woman on the managing committee.

Leadership, however, remained overwhelmingly male, with only 10pc of polling stations having a woman as head chief of operations, while 87pc maintained exclusively male leadership.

More serious breaches were recorded outside the capital. In the Western Wollega Zone of the Oromia Regional State, the Coalition’s observers found officials “sealing ballot boxes and launching the vote without publicly demonstrating” that the boxes were initially empty.

Then came the reminder that administrative reform alone cannot secure democratic routine. In Central Gondar Zone of the Amhara Regional State, voting had gone smoothly until 1:10am, when nearby gunfire forced the immediate suspension of the process, according to the Coalition’s statement.

Logistical Triumphs, Bursts of Violence Shadow as Voters Head to the Ballot Box

Inside the gleaming and high-ceilinged ballroom of the Skylight Hotel, on Africa Avenue (Bole Road), a delayed press conference became a window into the uneasy electral process today, June 1, 2026.

Melatwork Hailu, chief of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), stepped to the microphone after two postponements this morning, carrying figures larger than administrative routine. The seventh national election was proceeding, but under the weight of security fears, digital confusion, uneven observation and the sheer logistics of managing a vote across a vast country.

Out of 50,964 polling stations nationwide, Melatwork reported that 50,158 opened on time. Another 659 overcame morning problems and opened within the hour. But 143 polling stations never opened at all, judged too dangerous for voters and officials because of imminent security risks.

Four more were forced to shut down during voting after gunfire or threats breached the perimeter. Behind those figures stood stark human loss. In Enemor Polling Station, Melatwork confirmed, a local NEBE logistics chief was killed in a motorcycle accident while rushing to deliver voting materials.

“The process is moving forward,” Melatwork said, noting that out of 359,000 deployed NEBE officials, 350,000 had reported to their posts.

However, beyond the polished marble of the capital, the day was already dividing into two narratives. One was civic participation, visible in long queues and officials trying to keep order. The other was of disruption, confusion and violence, exposing the frailty of the institutional project NEBE is trying to defend.
By midmorning, the early stillness of Addis Abeba had given way to the familiar hum of movement. Roads that had been quiet began to fill with minibuses, high-capacity buses and taxis, carrying voters and workers through the capital and nearby areas such as Koye Feche. But the calm traffic did not mean a frictionless vote.

At Shalla Park polling station in Bole area, many voters, particularly those who had registered digitally, struggled to cast ballots.

According to election officials, some arrived without knowing their designated polling station. Others, after registering online, turned up at random stations and were denied service once officials confirmed they had been assigned elsewhere. They were instructed to go to their proper locations.
Some had begun the online registration process but had not completed it, leaving them ineligible. Several waited for extended periods while trying to verify their status, and some said their mobile phones had run out of battery, preventing access to digital registration details.
Voters who had lost their identification cards also encountered difficulty, though officials helped by searching registration records and facilitating participation when details could be verified. Workers arriving from jobs, including hotel employees and drivers, asked to be allowed to vote first before returning to work. Officials refused, directing them to join the regular queue. Some left without voting.

Almaz Wondmu, an election official at Shalla Park, acknowledged the difficulty.

“Some voters came to the wrong polling station, while others had not completed their online registration process,” she told Fortune. “There were also voters who said their phones had died, making it difficult for them to access their registration information.”

Long lines were also seen in many areas. Melatwork attributed the queues partly to digital registration, stating the system had removed double registration, while manually printed voter lists arranged in Amharic alphabetical order had become a problem for digitally registered voters.

“The Board had added people to check voters’ names and determine the correct page of the registries,” she said.

For areas where citizens had not yet voted, Melatwork stated the Board would decide later. If lines remained long after the official closing time, she said, voters already in the queue would be allowed to cast ballots.

Far from the capital, the election acquired sharper regional textures.

In Bahir Dar, the Amhara Regional State, the morning air was cold. At Kebele 08, Polling Station 1 in Gish Abay District, voters had formed long and silent queues as early as 5:30am. Elderly citizens, wrapped in traditional cotton cloths against the dawn chill, stood at the front. Officials inside spent the early hours adjusting secret voting booths, checking serial numbers and sealing ballot boxes. By 11:51am, at nearby Kebele 09, Polling Station 2, the first ballot was cast.

NEBE’s national tally listed 39,723 independent observers and 41,978 party representatives deployed nationwide. Yet local officials in Bahir Dar’s Kebele 08 saw no opposition party agent or independent domestic observer was present at the opening. A similar pattern was observed in Adama, a commercial center in Oromia RegionalState, and Jigjiga, capital of the Somali RegionalState.

Stations in both cities opened late, between 6:00am and 6:45am. Election workers won local praise for giving priority to physicallychallenged, pregnant and elderly voters, but independent observers were scarce.

In Adama’s Lugo District, where between 355 and 520 votes were recorded at a station by midday, observer benches were filled almost exclusively by representatives of the ruling Prosperity Party. Only two stations had monitors from the Coalition of Ethiopian Civil Society Organizations for Election and the Ethiopian Association of Women with Disabilities. In Jigjiga, oversight was uniform: only ruling party members and state-vetted public representatives were present.

If the urban centers tell a story of a slow bureaucratic victory, the rural fringes revealed how quickly order could collapse. Outside Bahir Dar, in the rural kebele of Yibab near the Meray axis, the fragile peace of election day broke in seconds. Midmorning, as voters waited in an orderly queue, sustained gunfire echoed through the trees.

“We’re standing in peace, waiting for our turn,” Degnet Mulat, a local resident who witnessed the chaos, said by telephone, his voice still shaken. “Then the shots started. Everyone just ran.”

Laqe Getachew, another Yibab resident, confirmed that the polling station was abandoned within minutes as voters fled into surrounding fields. According to other locals, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal, election officials were forced to abandon their posts, leaving ballot boxes and l election materials in limbo.

Back at the Skylight Hotel, such disruptions became wildcards that could overshadow the final tally.
As the morning gave way to the afternoon, long lines began to thin. In Adama and Jigjiga, officials reported fewer voters as the heat rose. NEBE officials insisted the overall trajectory remained stable.

Ethiopians Queue for Hours as Voters Seek Peace at the Ballot Box

The charcoal braziers were lit before the sun cleared the volcanic ridges surrounding Addis Abeba, sending a thin blue smoke over the traditional coffee ceremony at Polling Sub-Station 120. By 4:00am, with the capital’s temperature still lingering in the single digits, a voter, Wegayehu was already waiting in the darkness of Lemi Kura District.

A housekeeper at an unfinished concrete residence nearby, he was the seventh person in line. Yet it was not until 7:15am, when the morning sun was already high, that he dipped his thumb in indelible ink and cast his ballot.

“Only six people were ahead of me,” Wegayehu murmured, gesturing with a mixture of exhaustion and civic duty toward the lines now snaking down the unpaved road.

This was the ground-level reality of the seventh national and regional elections. It is a slow, manual and intensely local exercise carrying the weight of national expectation. While the high-level political affairs may be debated in the glass-fronted ministries of Africa’s second-most populous country, the survival of its fragile state rested on a tedious analog process of registers, ballot papers, sealed boxes, party observers, patient voters, and election officials managing tempers one queue at a time.

Across the country, more than 54 million registered voters were testing whether a complex, multi-party apparatus could deliver stability to a country deeply scarred by militarised conflicts and double-digit inflation. The scale of the exercise remains formidable, as more than 10,900 candidates, 27pc fielded by the incumbent Prosperity Party  (PP), contesting 547 seats in the federal Parliament in a country with a median age of about 19 years. A whole set of voters in Tigray Regional State are excluded from this process, as elections are not being held there.

For the ruling party, led by Abiy Ahmed (PhD), today’s election is as the “ultimate institutional validation” of its governance. Voting in his home village of Besheha, in the Jimma Zone of the Oromia region, Abiy struck a tone of historic destiny, describing the exercise as visible evidence of a “great democratic system taking shape.”

In the capital, Addis Abeba, Mayor Adanech Abiebie echoed his optimism, declaring that the “sovereignty of the state” has officially returned to ordinary citizens.

“The source of power in Ethiopia is the people’s vote,” Adanech told the media after casting her vote, urging voters to remain patient through logistical hitches, rain, or sun.

However beneath the official rhetoric lay a deeply fragmented political reality. The Prosperity Party, formed from the EPRDF coalition, was attempting a bold experiment of building a centralized and pan-Ethiopian civic identity. To its supporters, it represents a yearning for national unity. To its critics, the centralized model risks alienating regional forces in a country federalized by multicultural fault lines.

The opposition, led by figures such as Eyob Mesafint of the Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice party (EZEMA), faced an uphill battle against deeply entrenched incumbent machinery. Speaking to reporters after casting his ballot at a polling station in Addis Abeba, Eyob acknowledged “minor irregularities” about the candidate lottery system but maintained a cautiously cooperative posturing.

“Establishing a government is much better than any other outcome,” he said, brushing off questions about the security vacuums that have kept parts of the Amhara and Tigray regional states from participating.

If the national political debate was philosophical, the polling stations were transactional. At the Yeka District Health Center (Station 02), election executives officially sealed the ballot boxes at 5:45am. About 1,409 are registered there, with exactly 1,700 papers allocated for Parliament and another 1,700 for the city Council.

But precision on paper did not prevent friction on the ground. At a polling station near Bole airport, lines stalled as Amarech Feleke, clinical nurse, observing for the Prosperity Party, noted that the manual cross-checking of voter registers eating up critical minutes. The queue moved only after voters mutually agreed to let local military personnel skip ahead to cast their ballots.

Elsewhere, the priority system, designed to shield the elderly, disabled, and mothers with infants from the wait, sparked flare-ups. At the main Lemi Kura station, murmurs turned into open disapproval when observers noted that healthy and younger religious leaders were being ushered to the front of the queue. Tensions briefly peaked when a frustrated voter tried to bypass the line entirely, pushing an executive before being restrained by election staff.

For veteran voters, the lines were a small price for what they saw as structural progress. Ayelech Deseta, a 69-year-old retiree waiting at the Yeka District compound among a heavy morning demographic of elderly women, has voted in every election since the mid-1990s.
“In the past, polling stations were not located in places that were convenient,” Ayelech said, recalling decades of shifting regimes.
She credited targeted campaign drives for giving her a clearer understanding of the ballot’s utility this year.

“Even if the country is facing difficult circumstances, I believe holding the election is appropriate,” she said.

Yet for many outside the political class, the vote was less an endorsement of democratic regime than a plea for economic stability. Large swaths of Addis Abeba remained unusually quiet throughout the morning, with commercial life paused as citizens watched the boxes fill.

Standing directly opposite the Lemi Kura polling station at his Michael Bakery, 64-year-old Merid Beshir, a retired head of the Wollega Agriculture Development Trade Bureau, summarized the stakes facing whoever forms the next government.

“I just want peace,” Merid said, his brief assessment cutting through the high-flown rhetoric of the morning speeches.

He argued that the state’s ongoing domestic conflicts have battered the local economy, driving up import prices and everyday staples.

“If the war stops, the cost of living will also improve,” he said.

The deeper test was whether the administrative process would be deemed credible enough by a weary public to buy the peace that citizens like Merid were counting on.

Voters Brave Cold Dawn as Mayor Urges for Patience

By the time the first light settled over Addis Abeba’s high-altitude districts today, June 1, 2026, the verdict on election-day machinery was already forming in the cold.

At 5:00am, hundreds of voters had wrapped themselves in traditional white cotton shawls and heavy winter jackets outside the Gagema Kelo (General) polling station in Nifas Silk Lafto District The queue snaked around the perimeter of the station, a silent, shivering line of voters waiting to take part in what leaders of the ruling Prosperity Party (PP) has cast as a critical benchmark for “stability, institutional maturity and a smooth democratic transition.”
For those in line, the meaning of the vote was less abstract. It carried the weight of daily survival, soaring inflation and the visible scars of localized political fragmentation. The election is not only a contest over representation but a test of whether formal politics could still speak to the hardships endured by millions.

“I just came for the sake of voting,” said Aberash Bogale, 22, a resident of the Gerji area who had been waiting since 2:00am.

Cold and eager to return home for breakfast, she offered an early portrait of the day. Voters, according to electoral officials numbered over 50.4 million, are willing to wait for the ballot, and an election system struggling to move them through it.

The numbers unveiled the complexity of an election that officials framed nationally, but voters experienced locally. In one polling station, the challenge was a delayed opening. In another, it was a dispute over the voter registry. In another, it was the practical difficulty of deciding who should move first through a line that had barely shifted for hours.

At the Gagema Kelo polling station, where Addis Abeba’s Mayor, Adanech Abiebie, was expected to cast her ballot, the pressure was visible from the start. Officials had to manage a large security and media presence alongside 1,500 registered voters. Despite the official opening time being set for early morning, instructions were delayed until 6:20am. Federal Police officers prioritized elderly citizens and nursing mothers, but the volume of voters produced bottlenecks that left the queues barely moving.

Mayor Adanech declared from her polling site that the election was proceeding in a “very democratic, free, fair, and transparent manner.”

However, the details emerging from polling stations across Addis Abeba pointed to a more uneven reality.

In Bole District’s Woreda 4, one of the capital’s more competitive political battlegrounds, the ballot featured 122 regional candidates and 13 candidates for Parliament. At the Pensioners Association polling station, an administrative dispute broke out when NEBE representatives removed five voters from a registry of 833 for unspecified reasons. It drew sharp rebukes from party observers representing both the opposition coalition Andnet and the ruling Prosperity Party.

The ballot itself revealed a fragmented political landscape. In the Gerji sub-polling station, the Prosperity Party failed to present a candidate for the federal legislature, leaving the field open to Eyob Mekonnen, the prominent head of the Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice, a.k.a EZEMA, as well as the Hidase party and the Coalition for Ethiopia party.

The local architecture of power varied sharply from ward to ward. In the Gerji cluster, Hidase and the Coalition for Ethiopia fielded 12 candidates each for the city council, compared with 10 each from the Prosperity Party and EZEMA.

At the Gerji Woreda 13 polling station, complaints broke out in a queue of more than 250 people as women carrying children on their backs were routinely fast-tracked past others waiting in line.

At the Koye Gende Turi polling station, voters began gathering at 4:00 am. The station opened a little late at 6:20am, and the mood settled into quiet irritation. Election officials managed the crowd of about 300 people by admitting voters in strict, disciplined batches of four at the gate.

Across the capital, the vote unfolded as a series of local tests of crowd control, administrative discipline, party organization and voter patience. Long queues and administrative friction challenged the official narrative that the election marked an orderly democratic transition.

The Mayor urged patience, seeking to turn the delays into a civic test.

“Even if it gets late, even if challenges arise, whether rain or sun, citizens should remain patient and vote peacefully until the end,” Mayor Adanech said. “Whoever is elected today will later be accountable to the people who placed them in office.”

For some members of the capital’s business elite, the process appeared orderly enough. Belayneh Kinde, the prominent founder and chairperson of the BKG conglomerate, was spotted verifying his credentials in the Nifas Silk Lafto queue at 6:00am. He called the process “good.”

But for the ordinary voters who had queued since before dawn, the day’s meaning reached beyond the mechanics of peaceful polling. The election’s immediate test was whether citizens could cast ballots despite cold weather, slow lines and administrative snags. Its larger test will come later, when the incoming government confronts the expectations placed on it by voters seeking relief from inflation, better public services, economic reform and national cohesion.

Ethiopians Begin Voting for Federal, Regional Legislators

Millions of Ethiopians began lining up before dawn on today, June 1, 2026, to cast ballots in a federal and regional elections whose first test was not political rhetoric but administrative execution.

The vote, the seventh general poll since the constitutional order was installed in the mid-1990s, unfolded as a vast national exercise under pressure from logistical bottlenecks, localised delays and a transport standstill in key urban centres. For a country whose political stability and institutional endurance are being closely watched, the morning hours offered an early measure of whether the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) could translate its large-scale preparations into orderly voting on the ground.

Across the country, election day produced uneven rhythms. In some places, hundreds waited in slow-moving queues, with delays exceeding 20 minutes. In others, daily life continued around the polling stations. A substantial portion of the population walked past voting lines to attend to daily chorus, while low but functioning transit options kept parts of regional urban life moving.
From Addis Abeba to Bahir Dar, Adama and Jigjiga, voters arrived early. Their patience was soon tested. In Bole, one of the more affluent districts, about 100 voters had gathered outside the Gerji Roba polling station before 5:00am. What began as a show of early-morning civic determination gradually turned into frustration as electoral officials delayed opening instructions.

Voters were casting their votes in two separate voting tents under Gerji Roba and Gerji Sub, but the flow of information was uneven. Electoral officials announcements were audible only to those standing near the front of the line, leaving many further back dependent on fragments of instruction passed informally through the queue.

A modernising electoral process is constrained by manual systems, procedural gaps and uneven communication. In Kirkos District, the problem appeared in sharper form. A voter who had used the government’s online registration system was turned away from the ballot box after his name failed to appear on the physical manual ledger. He remained in line, trying to prove his eligibility with an SMS confirmation on his mobile phone.
Elsewhere, voters were held back because their voting cards lacked an official administrative stamp, a technical formality that became a practical barrier at the polling station.

The scale of the administrative undertaking remains considerable. According to official data from the Election Board, 52,000 polling stations are established across the country, with 359,000 election executives mobilised and more than 64,000 civil society observers deployed to monitor the integrity of the vote. More than 250,000 political party representatives were assigned to track ballots on behalf of their respective factions. These numbers point to an election apparatus of exceptional reach, yet the morning’s delays showed how easily scale can collide with local execution.

In Adama, Oromia Regional State, the disruption took a different form. The city’s local economy slowed sharply as taxi services disappeared from the streets. Roads were left unusually quiet, forcing many voters to walk to polling stations. At several stations, opposition party observers were absent as the first ballots were cast.
Further east, in the Somali Regional State’s Dhagahbur Woreda, voting began at 6:16am under heavy security, with priority given to police officers. Early observations from Darado Foq station showed a revealing demographic pattern. Of the first 25 voters in line, only three were in their twenties, pointing to a quieter youth presence despite a contested local ballot featuring 53 regional candidates alongside six aspirants for the federal Parliament.