DEVELOPING STORY: Somali Polling Station Closed over Security Concerns

A polling station in Moyale town, Somali Regional State, has had to be shut down due to security threats, disclosed Birtukan Mideksa, head of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE).

Over five million voters are expected to cast their ballots in the Regional State today, after the Board postponed the polls in June citing similar security concerns.

Elections being conducted in 47 constituencies, in the Harari, Somali, and Southern regional states as well as Dire Dawa City, are otherwise progressing well, remarked the Chairperson during a press briefing held at the Skylight Hotel earlier today.

“We’ve only encountered minor issues with logisitics,” said Birtukan.

DEVELOPING STORY: Addis Abeba Stations Host Harari Voters

Six polling stations in the capital are open to voters casting their ballots for constituencies in Harari Regional State. Voters will be choosing their parliamentary representatives and 36 candidates for regional council seats.

Hannan Mohammed, one of the 748 voters registered in the capital, cast her ballot this morning at a station near the Gazebo roundabout in Qirqos District. The station is manned by three poll workers and five observers from political parties and civil society organisations. It is among 230 across the country hosting voters from Harari Regional State.

Hannan is delighted that she did not have to travel 360Km east to cast her ballot. She is one of around 200 people that have voted in the capital thus far.

DEVELOPING STORY: Polls Open for Deferred Elections

Voters in 47 constituencies in the Somali, Harari and Southern regional states, as well as Dire Dawa City Administration, are casting their ballots in the sixth national elections. These were some of the constituencies that did not go to the polls along with most of the country in June this year, as the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) deferred votes due to irregularities with voters’ registration and security concerns.

A total of 7.6 million voters are expected to cast their ballots today.

Mustafa Omar, acting president of Somali Regional State, was among those who cast their ballots at Poll Station 4 in Degehabur town this morning. His political opposition, particularly the ONLF, has boycotted the elections accusing of widespread irregularities.

The Electoral Board expects five million residents in the Regional State to have voted by the time polls close at 6pm.

Still, 72 constituencies will remain unrepresented in parliament when it reconvenes next week. The majority of these are in Tigray Regional State, where civil war has precluded any notion of polls. The remaining constituencies are spread across the Amhara, Oromia, Afar, Southern and Benishangul-Gumuz regional states. Officials at the Board have yet to decide when voters in these areas will go to the polls, citing security issues.

CONSUMERS’ ONION TEARS

Consumers are no strangers to sharp increases in the prices of goods and services, considering the consistent inflationary pressure in the economy. Nonetheless, not many were prepared onions, usually stable and cheap, would also be a victim at such a fast pace. Lately, the vegetable used to prepare nearly all traditional cuisine was selling for up to 60 Br a kilo, twice its cost from two weeks ago and right before the New Year holiday.

More surprising has been that onions had a relatively good harvest in the past year, with yields increasing by 25pc on the 39,000ht of land used for farming the vegetable. Authorities and market insiders attribute the sudden price rise to a combination of factors, including the interruptions of imports from Sudan. Heavy rainfalls in Meqi, a town in the Oromia Regional State, one of the rift valley areas where Addis Abeba sources much of its onions, were not suitable for harvest. Experts see this as a manifestation of two factors that have long ailed the agricultural sector – poor farming techniques and lack of access to market information. This is where farmers fail to anticipate demand and end up over- or underproducing in a given season. There is some evidence to give credence to this theory as the country had a surplus a few months ago that saw a kilogram of onions selling for four Birr. A large amount of onion was dumped in the southern part of the country for lack of demand.

The authorities hasten to bring prices down, pinning their hopes on additional sourcing from Somali Regional State and onion farms in Meqi getting back into shape by next month.

Past Current Turmoil, What Ails Next Generations?

There are two editions of The Economist on Africa influenced by the narrative on the continent over the past two decades. Published at the turn of the century, one and rather infamous, was an all-black cover that displayed a photo of a young African carrying a bazooka superimposed over the continent. The headline read, “The Hopeless Continent.” The main theme of the issue has this opening line: “Floods in Mozambique; threats of famine in Ethiopia (again); mass murder in Uganda; the implosion of Sierra Leone; and a string of wars across the continent.”

Change some of the names of the countries, and the narrative applies today.

Ethiopia does not need reworking at all, except to show that things are even worse now. The piece did recognise that by the early to mid-1990s, things seemed to be turning for the better for Africa for once. But the civil war in Somalia, genocide in Rwanda, disaster in Sierra Leone, the war between Ethiopia and Eritrean, economic stagnation and the raging AIDS epidemic turned hope into despair.

“The next generation will be more numerous, poorer, less educated and more desperate,” The Economist projected, chillingly.

As the 2000s rolled on, it had appeared that the world`s liberal voice had its projection in vanity. Things seemed to improve. There were disasters, of course, such as the Darfur crisis in Sudan and countries such as Ethiopia utterly failed to democratise. Still, there was several good news, to which Ethiopia was a showcase.

Absolute poverty was halved, income per capita quadrupled, the AIDS epidemic subsided, and social service provisions in education and health significantly improved.

The Economist, once again, caught wind of these emerging changes. One of its editions in 2013 painted a much rosier view of Africa and the fate of its people. This time, there was no combatant on the cover page but a woman in a humming marketplace. She was depicted lifting coconuts with both her hands and displaying a wide smile. The headline read, “A Hopeful Continent.”

The content reflected optimism, though naive taken in retrospect. It described Egypt and South Sudan as “democracies of varying shades,” suggested that extremists cropping around the Sahel are being subdued and that although conflicts will likely continue to flare up, they do as such “less violently than before.”

“Most Africans no longer fear a violent or premature end,” it went on to say, in complete contradiction to its 2000 edition. “[They] can hope to see their children do well.”

That was not to be. Africa, and Ethiopia, once again feels more “hopeless” than “hopeful.”

West Africa is barely holding up – including Nigeria, which sees conflicts on several fronts with extremists and separatists – Central Africa never showed strong signs of progress, and East Africa looks set to fail. Countries in the Horn of Africa are repeating the 1980s, with its largest and most populous member, Ethiopia, undergoing a gruesome civil war. There is no better way of illustrating this than looking at Ethiopia’s neighbours. South Sudan has been besieged by civil war; Sudan is shattered by economic decline, political instability, and conflict flare-ups in Darfur; Eritrea is a prison state just a couple of degrees less severe than North Korea; and most of Somalia’s population has never seen a functional state. Djibouti is confronted with an uncertain future of succession, and Kenya foresees an election next year where the stakes are as high as 2007.

Strangely, the oasis of stability and normalcy is Somaliland, unrecognised by the world and left to its fate.

As callous as it may sound, it is crucial to recognise how far behind the region – and Ethiopia – is trailing and use this as momentum to carve out a different path. Pessimism of the intellect and optimism of the will are needed to build a future for the next generation of Ethiopians. Looking beyond the current civil war crisis and dysfunctional politics to get a broader picture of arising challenges will help.

The long-term outlook for Ethiopia was supposed to be challenging in any case. Falling productivity has been the biggest concern. Take the agricultural sector, where although downright famine has been avoided, food imports have nearly tripled over the past two decades as yield per land has stagnated. The hectare of land per household is plunging, leading the agricultural sector to be inadequate to support millions of youth for employment. This leads to high rates of uncontrolled urbanisation, which further dampens wages (and worsens inequality) and gives rise to urban poverty. The dislocations from the agricultural sector to urban areas, where there are not enough jobs, is why Addis Abeba has visibly high rates of commercial sex workers and homelessness on nearly every street and cranny and suffers from the associated crimes and diseases.

Add to stagnating productivity the climate change, making floods and droughts aggressive, thus devastating natural resources. All of this results in falling living standards, exasperating the current demographic explosion underway, with the country likely having to support well over 150 million people a decade later. This is a demographic trap. Countries see a fall in living standards but maintain high fertility rates, which lowers standards of living.

Ethiopians could have secured a different future had the country maintained uninterrupted double-digit growth over the next two decades. This timeline is crucial as it is a moment where the ticking bombs of population growth, rapid urbanisation, and illiberal authoritarianism’s resurgence converge. The burden of war and the pandemic make them a fatal combination.

There is too much time and energy expended on cheering the combatants without realising that the fundamentals and the structural faultlines are addressed. If things continue along their current path, the next generation of Ethiopians, whatever their lingo-cultural grouping, will most certainly be “more numerous, poorer, less educated and more desperate,” just as The Economist predicated.

Past the current turmoil in civil war or societal distress due to pandemics, Ethiopians will have to confront the structural issues with generational implications.

How do Ethiopians create a social and political system that recognizes the challenges from demography, urbanization and the demand for democratic order going forward?

They can take a page out of Europeans` history eight decades ago and how they dealt with collective trauma.

In the first half of the 20th century, the Europeans nearly annihilated one another in a desperate attempt to rid themselves of the insecurities they found in one another’s nationalisms. They said, “never again.” Sure, the world is not without wars today, but they took the failures of their former leaders and used that energy to create some of the most prosperous and stable states known to humankind.

In its 175th anniversary edition, The Economist had published a manifesto on liberalism. It reflected, “society is a place of conflict and that it will and should remain so; in the right political environment, this conflict produced competition and fruitful argument.”

Recognising the immutability and indispensability of conflicts in society is one important lesson to avoid the temptation for uniformity. Wars waged in the cause of “conflictless society” can be avoided but impossible to survive without subjecting the population to extreme poverty and too large a portion of it to death. Finding peaceful, legal and institutional vehicles to navigate these conflicts is where societies differ from one another. The most crucial lesson from post-second World War Europe is not about ending conflicts in society but channelling them to non-lethal and destructive platforms.

Onion Prices Bring Tears to Consumers Eyes

Etenesh Yizengaw, 41, left her home in the Hanna Mariam neighbourhood at the crack of dawn this past Tuesday. Donning a scarf to withstand the bitter morning cold, the mother of four was heading to the nearby produce market to buy a month’s supply of onions.

Working with a budget of 150 Br, Etenesh was looking to get 10Kg of onion. It is hard-earned money for a woman who toiled in life, brewing tella (traditional beer) and baking injera, for sale to the neighbourhood. Shopping bag in hand, she entered the vegetable and fruit market in Lafto of the Haile Garment neighbourhood, located southwestern Addis Abeba at a brisk walk. She quickly found a vendor but was dumbfounded by the news.

A kilogramme of onion, though particularly small, would set her back 32 Br. She found it more astounding that the price was a bargain compared to what other vendors were asking. Etenesh tried haggling the price down to 29 Br a kilo but the vendor would not budge. She left his stall, one of the hundreds at the market inaugurated in January this year.

“I don’t remember a time onions were this expensive,” she said.

Etenesh struggles to make ends meet and provide for her children. She has a monthly income of 4,000 Br, and though her husband bears part of the household expenses, including 1,200 Br renting two rooms, he does seasonal work. To Etenesh and millions like her, merely scraping by has been steadily growing more difficult as the cost of living in Addis Abeba skyrockets. One thing she could count on was “fair” prices for onion, a crucial ingredient in nearly all Ethiopian cooking. This changed last week.

Retailers sell a kilo of onion for up to 60 Br, twice the price before the new year holiday, and a 20 Br margin from what wholesalers offer the vegetable. Such an increase may not be a surprise for a country experiencing its highest food inflation rate in a decade, reaching a staggering 37pc in August 2021. But it validates that even basic food supplies are getting out of the reach of the public, particularly the poor.

It also comes as a shock for households under the poverty line, accounting for over a third of the country’s population.

On most occasions, food prices contribute the main factor for inflationary pressure in the economy. They comprise 60pc of household expenses.

A staple food in almost every household, teff goes for as much as 5,000 Br a quintal, almost twice the price two years ago. A kilo of wheat costs almost 40 Br, showing a similar increase over the same period.

However, it was rare to see the prices of these grains driving the vegetable market in the same direction. The latter remained relatively stable.

Onion was available in surplus across the country a few months ago. A kilo of onion was sold for a mere four Birr three months ago, and large amounts were dumped in the southern part of the country for lack of demand. The price barely covered transport costs.

It is not unusual to see a sudden rise in the price of onion. There was an upsurge in prices after the COVID-19 pandemic hit in March 2020. A kilo of onion was sold for 30 Br.

Kindu Awedew, a wholesaler of onions for eight years, has never before seen the dramatic increase in prices he witnessed last week.

He sold a kilo for 44 Br, attributing the sharp rise to supply shortages since the holiday earlier this month. Demand surged, and supply trailed behind.

Nearly 39,000ht of farmland across the country was used for farming onion. The total harvest was 346,000tn last year, according to data from the Ministry of Trade & Industry.

Harvesting onion is relatively quick; a farmer needs three to four months between planting and harvest. With irrigation, its ease to grow increased the country’s average yield to 89 quintals a hectare. It grew by 25pc last year, almost three times higher than the yield from teff of a similar-sized plot of land.

Onion makes its way to the capital from farms in the rift valley areas in the south, such as Batu (Ziway) and Meqi, places a few hours drive away. But when farmers cultivate other crops because of heavy rainfall, unsuitable for onion farming, traders are forced to look elsewhere for supply.

The Lafto market was no different. The onion available in the market last week was sourced from the Somali or Harari regional states. Markedly longer distances to and from these farms imposed higher transportation costs, contributing to the price increase. Or that is what traders like Kindu in the Lafto market believe.

Ironically, retail prices for a kilo of onion in Harari Regional State have also jumped to as high as 60 Br, questioning the link between transportation costs and the escalated prices. Up to 30,000tn of onion was produced in the Harari Regional State, but officials report a shortage has gripped markets there as well.

“We’re trying to understand the cause,” said Shame Abdi, the Harari Agricultural Bureau deputy head.

The Addis Abeba Trade Bureau authorities believe they have reached the bottom of the issue in understanding what ails the onion market.

Akeberegn Wegagen, deputy head of the Bureau, attributed the shortfall in production to Meqi and surroundings experiencing heavy rainfall. But the shortfall in domestic production has not put its bearing on the prices as heavily as the suspension of imports from Sudan.

“These have impacted the supply chain,” said Akeberegn.

The dramatically sharp increase in the price of onion comes at the height of the City Administration clamping down on the rising cost of living, which the authorities view as “economic sabotage.” However, the Deputy Head concedes that onion prices are galloping up due to factors outside of alleged hoarding by traders.

“This cannot apply to onions, as they have a shelf life of just three days, making them hoard-proof,” said the Deputy Head.

Assefa Admassie is an economics professor who once served as president of the Ethiopian Economics Association. He has published several studies on Ethiopia’s economy with a focus on the agriculture sector. He attributes the unexpected surge in the price of onion solely to the country’s agricultural practices.

The majority of the farmers in Ethiopia, where agriculture comprises a third of the GDP, use seasonal but traditional farming methods. According to Assefa, a lack of access to market information leads to a vicious cycle where farmers overproduce, fail to sell off their harvest, and produce less the following season.

“There need to be strong research institutes to forecast demand and supply,” said Assefa.

Though the advice is sound, Assefa’s recommendation would provide only long-term solutions. Consumers, including businesses, are desperate for things to return to normalcy.

Mekdes Welde, who has been running a restaurant for over two decades in the Saris neighbourhood, is one of those who are anxious to see the market leaves its irrationality behind. She was at the vegetable market looking for onions on the same morning Etenesh was there. Mekdes, too, was disappointed by what she saw.

She bought a quintal of onions at the price of 3,100 Br, more than double what she paid last time she was in the market. Her restaurant requires up to four quintals every month.

“If the prices stay this high, I’ll have to reconsider prices on my menu,” Mekdes told Fortune.

The authorities in the city administration are upbeat prices will return to normal soon.

“We’re facilitating onion supply through cooperatives,” said the Deputy Head.

His hopes are hinged on supplies sourced in the Somali Regional State, although he declined to disclose how much.

Farmers also believe onion prices will subside soon.

“It should ease in October,” says Kumssa Gudina, a Meqi Batu Vegetable & Fruit Producers Cooperative Union manager, which has over 8,000 members.

Kumssa anticipates prices to fall back down to 15 Br a kilo.

Nevertheless, last week’s episode leaves behind a lesson to show how vulnerable consumers like Etenesh and Mekdes are to sudden fluctuations in the market. Etenesh managed to buy half the amount she planned to take home that day.

Council of Ministers Approves Mining Concessions

The Council of Ministers approves concessions for seven mining companies, four of which are looking to get involved in gold.

The Ministry of Mines & Petroleum proposed the companies be granted concessions following the completion of a feasibility study, prepared based on the companies’ capital and their potential contribution to the country’s economy.

The companies, also seeking to mine for marble, bromine and chlorine, are expected to invest close to five billion dollars and create 1,300 job opportunities.

The gold mining firms would work on exploration and extraction works in the Gambella, Benshangul-Gumuz, and Oromia regional states.

Gold exports brought in close to 700 million dollars last year.

Sluggish Treasury Bill Market Hog-ties Gov’t Budget Deficit Narrowing Effort

The central bank’s treasury bill (T-bill) auctions continue to underperform as recent measures from the regulatory body jeopardise banks’ liquidity positions.

Financial and non-financial institutions offered eight billion Birr at an auction held on September 22, 2021, a far cry from the 30 billion Br issued by the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE). Another auction held almost three weeks ago produced results no different from last week, showing how much the administration’s effort to deal with the budget deficit without borrowing from the central bank has been undermined.

T-bill market is used as a monetary instrument to raise funds in short-term debt obligations by central banks. Backed by a government guarantee, they have a shorter maturity period, although they may pay a higher interest rate if the maturity date gets longer.

The administration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD) uses T-bills to trim down direct lending from the central bank to address its budget deficit, which stood at 123 billion Br at the end of the last fiscal year. The deficit is projected to reach 139 billion Br this year, though it is likely to increase due to cuts in official grants from development partners. This week, the UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office announced a programme cut to Ethiopia to 107.5 million pounds sterling (147 million dollars) next year, down from 240 million pounds sterling this year.

Ethiopian authorities, who received a nod for 406 million dollars in the disbursement of the IMF`s Special Drawing Rights last month, had hoped to narrow the budget gap through an additional supply of T-bills. The central bank has floated more than 200 billion Br in T-bills this fiscal year, receiving offers for 122 billion Br. This was supply representing a 10-fold increase from auctions held during the same period last year.

The T-bill market has always been characterised by oversupply, says Patrick Heinisch, an economist and capital markets researcher.

Ethiopia`s economy is besieged by fiscal challenges resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic, civil wars and drying up of external sources of finance with a suspension of budget supports from major donors. However, the central bank`s policy measures restricting transfers, forex retention, loans and advances have created anxiety in the financial sector. Effective since the beginning of this month, banks were given until the end of November to double their reserves at the central bank to 10pc of deposits mobilised.

Banks and insurance firms are major clients for the T-bill market, competing against the pension fund. The big portion of the fund raised through auctions this year came before the central bank introduced regulations that further test the liquidity position of commercial banks.

Their focus is on meeting the reserve requirement, according to Dereje Zenebe, president of Zemen Bank.

Zemen Bank plans to invest in T-bills once achieving the minimum reserve the central bank requires of it.

Another regulation from the central bank forbids the early redemption of T-bills, also effective beginning this month. This was a measure introduced as early redemption interfered with the government`s budget administration, according to Fikadu Digafe, vice governor and chief economist at the central bank. Banks can consider other options to mobilise funds, such as borrowing from the central bank, rather than early redemption.

Awash Bank, which took part in the auctions before the central bank banned early redemption, is also shifting its focus to meet reserve ratio requirements.

“We could redeem our cash anytime we wanted,” said Tilahun Geleta, chief finance and facilities management officer at the Bank, which surpassed the 100 billion Br mark in deposits collected last year.

Tilahun finds the recent measure understandable, as the country is in the midst of war, and the government wants to bring excess liquidity in the economy back to the banking system.

Experts see animating further interest in treasury bills as a daunting task, considering the state of the financial sector.

Heinisch recommends accepting bids at a higher yield and keeping inflation at bay to incentivise bidders. During the latest auction, the 91-day T-bill received a higher yield of 11.1pc, against the lowest at 7.9pc made for 28-day bills. Both are much lower than the interest banks offer on time-deposits, which go as high as 13pc, and significantly lower than headline inflation, surpassing 30pc last month.

“The government must ensure that inflation does not rise any further to incentivise bidders to invest in T-bills,” said Heinisch. “This will be difficult to achieve in the short term, though.”

Authorities at the central bank reformed the T-Bill market in 2019, allowing individuals and financial institutions to take part in offering a market-based interest rate. However, banks, insurance firms and pension funds remain the primary players in the market. The almost non-existent role of the private sector and the negative real rates remain an issue, says Alisa Strobel, a senior economist for Sub-Saharan Africa at IHS Markit.

According to the economist, there is a stronger preference for short-term instruments rather than longer-term T-bill buys in Ethiopia.

Macroeconomic fundamentals need to be put back into place through tighter monetary policy by continuously restricting the growth of reserve money, according to Alisa.

Benishangul-Gumuz Remains Hole in Ethiopia’s Electoral Debacle

When voters went to the polls in June this year, Tesfahun Adugna was following the political theatre from his home in Jigjiga, the seat of Somali Regional State, 622.5Km from Addis Abeba. Though he was among close to 40 million registered voters, Tesfahun could not vote for the candidate to represent him in regional and federal legislative houses for five years to come. That was because officials at the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) scrapped voting in the Somali region over allegations of irregularities in the voters’ registration process.

He did not give up.

Two weeks ago, Tesfahun registered for the second time during the 10-day window granted by the board’s officials. He is one of five million voters in the Somali Regional State who took voting cards to cast their ballots this time around.

“Everybody around me has registered,” said Tesfahun, a resident of a town coloured with posters and banners depicting political candidates.

Voters in Somali Regional State are not the only ones preparing to go to the polls next week. They will be joined by 7.6 million voters who will elect their representatives for constituencies in the Harari and Southern regional states and the Dire Dawa city council. Close to 22 parties vie to fill 47 of the 547 parliamentary seats, whose elections were deferred when the country went into national polls in June this year.

This week’s elections are the second for a country facing a myriad of problems, from a civil war putting the lives of millions at stake to unabated inflation paralysing consumers and from COVID-19 pandemic to international pressure causing financial distress. Coinciding with the formation of new administrations at the federal and many of the regional states, voters will go to polling stations knowing their votes may not have much impact on the composition of the federal government. The incumbent Prosperity Party has already secured 410 of the 436 parliamentary seats contested three months ago, garnering double the majority needed to form a government.

Nonetheless, disputes and allegations of irregularities continued in the Somali regional state, where the election will be held after the withdrawal of major opposition parties. The Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice, a.k.a EZEMA, Freedom & Equality Party, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) – have announced their decision to withdraw from the elections, their leaders claiming an “unfair election process dominated by the incumbent party”.

These were the same allegations made by the parties in June and taken as legitimate for electoral officials to postpone polling. However, they have dismissed the claims this time around, leaving the parties disgruntled.

Similar irregularities seen during the last elections remain prevalent, according to Wasyihun Tesfaye, head of organisational affairs at EZEMA, which has fielded 170 candidates in the Somali regional state. The party has not conducted any campaigns there thus far.

However, the Board has reviewed and addressed complaints put forth by political parties, according to Soliana Shimeles, the communications advisor at the NEBE.

“Since the registration of candidates has been concluded and ballot papers have been printed, we can’t do anything about it,” Soliana told Fortune.

The situation in the Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State seems even dire.

More than 100,000 voters slated to elect their representative last June are yet again unable to cast ballots. Though the Board initially scheduled elections there for this week and the other regions, security remains a major concern to voters not to go to the polls. This will have serious ramifications for the 1.1 million people residing there. With representatives of only 34 constituencies having been elected in June, a regional council cannot be formed in the Benishangul-Gumuz as a minimum of 99 seats need to be voted for to establish a regional government.

Political parties are yet to reach an agreement through their joint council, and Benishangul’s fate remains unclear. The same is true for 72 seats that will still be left empty following the second round of voting. More than half of these are for constituencies in Tigray Regional State, where polls are not on the radar as the civil war is raging and continues to take its toll.

The remaining 34 constituencies are in the Oromia, Amhara, Afar, Southern and Benishangul-Gumuz regional states, which will be excluded from the polls yet again.

Boro Democratic Party has close to 30 candidates running for regional seats in Benishangul. It is among parties calling for a transitional or a caretaker government until elections can be fully held in the region. A Prime Minister elected from the incumbent Prosperity Party, which will have hegemonic control of parliament, can establish a caretaker government in the region, according to Mebratu Alemu (PhD), head of public relations for the Boro Democratic Party,

“The current government hasn’t managed to ensure peace and stability for three years,” said Mebratu. “Establishing a caretaker government is, in fact, a good starter to deal with the region’s governance problems.”

However, the regional chapter of the incumbent party is adamant that the current administration should continue to govern and insists the region is stable to conduct elections soon.

“Federal forces have been deployed in the area to restore stability,” said Yishak Abdulkadir, head of the region’s Prosperity Party chapter. “Our firm position is that the administration should only be established through elections.”

EZEMA`s leaders are reluctant to take a stand on the issue, choosing instead to see how the electoral officials would mediate between the parties. EZEMA has fielded more than 1,500 candidates nationwide but suffered a crushing defeat by its rival Prosperity Party. It won only four parliamentary seats and secured four seats in the regional state’s councils.

The disagreement and confusion stem from a gap in the country’s electoral laws, which does dwell on issues when elections cannot be held due to security threats, according to Adem Kassie, election and constitutional governance expert.

There is no legal provision for a caretaker administration for Benishangul’s regional stare, nor is there a rule which precludes an inclusive government from forming, says Adem.

The political parties contesting power there can go to the Council of Constitutional Inquiry seeking constitutional interpretation.

“A third option is for the parliament, which adopted the electoral law and determined the tenure of regional parliaments, to amend the electoral law and address the issue of delay in elections and the consequences for regional councils,” said Adem.

Some areas in Amhara and Oromia regional states will remain unrepresented when parliament resumes next week. Adem believes the dominance of one party and the lack of influence from individual representatives will not significantly influence the way parliament will be composed come the first week of October.

“There are other issues, such as weak opposition representation, that undermine democratic ideals,” he said

Against the backdrop of uncertainty, however, the board’s officials remain poised the second election in less than four months will pass smoothly. They seemed to be unbothered by loads of deliverables on their plate, including holding a second referendum in the Southern Regional State, where more than 1.4 million people have been registered to determine the status of regional states.

“We’ll announce the results of the upcoming election within 10 days of voting,” said Soliana.

Tesfahun, the voter in Somali, is also upbeat about the upcoming polls.

“The region is stable,” he said. “I don’t expect problems.”

Ethiopia’s Officials Feel Junk Credit Rating Short-term Worry

Standard & Poor’s (S&P), an American credit rating agency, has downgraded Ethiopia’s credit standing to “junk”, caused by political turbulence, civil war and a fall in assistance from development partners. The agency cautioned creditors last week, Ethiopia may default on its commercial debt obligations.

S&P is the second rating agency to lower Ethiopia’s rating in recent months. Five months ago, Moody’s Investors Service downgraded Ethiopia’s long-term issuer and senior unsecured ratings to Caa1 from B2, showing its higher susceptibility to defaulting on its debts. S&P indicated these pressures could result in Ethiopia`s failure to service the interest payments on its commercial obligations, including the Eurobond payment due for December 11, 2021.

Ethiopia paid 1.8 billion dollars in total external debt servicing up to June 30, 2021, including interest, of which the federal government paid 302.11 million dollars. The balance was settled by state-owned enterprises such as Ethiopian Airlines, Ethio telecom and Ethiopian Electric Power.

S&P’s statement comes days after the Ministry of Finance announced the establishment of a creditor committee that would restructure Ethiopia’s 30 billion dollars outstanding debt under the G-20 common framework. The committee is jointly chaired by China and France, where an agreement was reached to expedite the country’s debt re-profiling, in a meeting held on September 16.

The credit agency attributed a belated reaction to the downgrading of Ethiopia’s sovereign credit rating from B- to CCC+, indicating its vulnerability to nonpayments. S&P says Ethiopia is dependent on favourable economic conditions to meet its financial commitments and has a higher chance of facing credit or payment crises. The ongoing internal conflict, low reserves and declining flow of external financing are cited by the credit agency for lowering the rating, diminishing the country’s standing to service its debt.

The lack of clarity on whether the restructuring includes the private sector has also contributed to the downgrade, pushing Ethiopia to the ranks of African countries such as Congo, Angola, and Mozambique.

“We would consider private sector participation under the Common Framework as a default event under our sovereign criteria,” reads the statement S&P issued late last week.

Ethiopian authorities are anticipating addressing these issues in meetings with the IMF. The latter will present Ethiopia’s debt sustainability analysis to determine how much of the country’s debt should be included in the restructuring scheme, says Eyob Tekalign(PhD), a state minister for Finance.

The IMF, which has suspended Ethiopia’s programme under its Extended Credit Facility (ECF), will review Ethiopia’s request to set up a new poverty reduction and growth trust resources programme to replace the expired ECF of 1.5 billion dollars. Seeking support from the IMF indicates the country is under debt distress, which may have caused the downgrading, according to Tewodros Mekonnen (PhD), a country economist at the International Growth Centre (IGC).

“It remains unclear when this process, initially scheduled to be completed by April, will be finalised, and whether Ethiopia will involve the private sector as part of the debt restructuring process,” reads a report from S&P, acknowledging the establishment of the creditors’ committee and IMF’s support in assessing Ethiopia’s public debt sustainability. Finance Ministry officials clarified in February this year that the inclusion of private creditors in any restructuring deal was “very unlikely”. Any potential adjustment will be “minor”, according to a senior economist for Sub-Saharan Africa at IHS Markit, another credit rating agency that has downgraded Ethiopia’s rating.

However, State Minister Eyob indicated last week the public creditors would identify parameters for comparable treatment, a consideration in a debt-restructuring agreement with the Paris Club creditors that the debtor will secure at least comparable relief from other creditors.

Ethiopia had a B/B credit rating until 2020, which indicated it was less vulnerable to defaulting on its debt. In February this year, after the government requested debt restructuring under the G-20 common framework, S&P downgraded Ethiopia’s rating to BB, indicating its eroding capacity to fulfil its obligations.

Officials of the Ministry of Finance have put on a brave face following the announcement of the downgrading, claiming that the government has desisted taking government-guaranteed commercial loans over the past two years. Confident this would remain the case, they dismissed the credit downgrading as “not worrying”. They rather see it as a short-term liquidity issue.

“We only need to restructure a few billion,” said Eyob.

Experts echo the same predilection. As Ethiopia is mainly taking out concessional loans from development partners, the sovereign credit rating will not have significant economic implications, says Tewodros. The downgraded credit standing would mainly affect the resale of Ethiopia’s Eurobond in the secondary market.

“Those looking to resale the bond may receive a discounted offer,” Tewodros told Fortune.

Ethiopia’s Eurobond yield, sold in 2014 at a value of one billion dollars with a due date of a decade, was valued at 11.7pc as of September 22, 2021.

BIKE PATH

As the streets of Addis Abeba grow increasingly stressed with traffic, making getting from one part of the city to another ever harder, the city administration is attempting to incentivise alternative modes of transportation. One is walking. The other is biking, to which part of this pedestrian road around Mesqel Square is being converted into a bike path.

Central Bank Exempts Microfinance from Loan Freeze

The freeze placed on asset-based loans could not apply to microfinance institutions (MFIs), the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE) said.

They are exempted from the freeze, irrespective of the types of loans they make, according to Asfaw Abera, head of the microfinance institutions supervision directorate, who advised the institutions in a letter issued on September 20, 2021.

The decision came over a month after the freeze on collateralised loans was first communicated through text messages to executives of commercial banks, while the central bank had offered no official clarification on whether the same rule applied to MFIs.

Officials of the central bank have justified their abrupt decision to freeze loans to control the exchange market in the parallel market after the gap with the official rate reached a historic high of 50pc. Commercial banks’ outstanding credit to the private sector grew by 125pc in July, four times the annual growth reported last year.

The misunderstanding on whether MFIs should comply with the freeze pushed some of them to suspend providing collateralised loans to their borrowers temporarily. They asked for explanations from the central bank through the Association of the Ethiopian Microfinance Institutions, which comprises 41 members.

“It has come to our attention that some MFIs were facing challenges to provide services to customers looking for asset-based loans,” said Asfaw, in his letter copied to regional and city administrations.

Microfinance institutions have an outstanding credit of 64.9 billion Br.

Tezera Kebede, general manager of Peace Microfinance, established 22 years ago, welcomes the decision from the central bank. Microfinance institutions helping to reduce poverty and serve people in the lower-income bracket are sufficient reasons for the central bank to spare them from the freeze, according to Tezera.

Communications between the central bank and authorities with the mandate to freeze collateralised assets have been a roadblock in providing service to clients, says Mamo Deddefo, general manager of Sheger Microfinance. Sheger was established three years ago with a capital of 35 million Br, providing up to 430 million Br in loans annually.

“Our customers were not able to fulfil credit requirements because of suspension of services by regional offices,” said the General Manager.

However, for Teshome Kebede, executive director of the Association, the decision by the central bank can only be effective if the Documents Authentication & Registration Agency resumes services to review the status of assets borrowers present as collateral.

The loan freeze imposed by the authorities is an “acceptable trade-off”, considering the economic consequences if authorities had not acted, Eyob Tekalign (PhD), a state minister for Finance, said last month during a press briefing held at the Prime Minister’s Office.

A series of sectors in the market were winning similar concessions from the central bank over the past few weeks. The coffee industry has been exempted from the freeze, a measure that coincided with the coffee harvest season, expected to produce 280,000tn this year for the export market.

Despite the exemption, businesses still complain they have faced difficulties in accessing asset-based loans.

“We’re still waiting until the banks comply with the instructions,” said Fikadu Hailemariam, general manager of Homeland Organic Coffee Agro-Industry Plc.

Importers and edible oil producers have also been given the exemption to access asset-based collateral loans. While edible oil producers can access any loan, importers can only borrow to settle letters of credit once approved.