Cement Industry Shake Up Leaves Regional States, Agents Unimpressed

Regional state officials and cement distribution agents are in an uproar over new rules under consideration for the distribution and marketing of cement.

Legal experts at the Ministry of Trade & Regional Integration (MoTRI) have proposed a draft directive for regional states to set up depots for storing and distributing cement. It looks to compel factories to hand over 30pc of their products to youth associations, which will retail. They need massive space to store the cement they receive from the factories.

There are 14 cement plants with an aggregate production capacity of 8.4 million tonnes annually. Derba Cement, owned by Mohammed Ali Al-Amoudi (Sheik) and his family, has the largest capacity of 2.5 million tonnes, followed by Dangote’s 2.3 million tonnes. Annual demand for cement is estimated to have reached 12 million tonnes, forcing federal authorities to intervene in the value chain. The Ministry ended the previous practice of cement distribution through agents a month ago. A letter dispatched to cement factories ordered them to sell their products directly to government organisations and institutional buyers.

The idea for youth groups to involve in supplying inputs to the factories and taking a share of the product for distribution is gaining currency despite pushback from the factories’ managers. Regional states have joined them in the uproar.

“This puts additional pressure on the regional administration,” said Kelemwork Mihrete, head of the Trade Bureau under the Amhara Regional State, where four cement plants operate.

It is a sentiment shared by those in the Oromia Regional State, where 10 cement plants are located.

“The regional state has not agreed to the proposal,” Hawa Ahmed, head of the Trade Bureau, told Fortune.

The discussion on the draft directive held last week ended without an agreement.

“It will be reviewed considering the feedback we received,” said Kumneger Ewnetu, communications director at the Trade Ministry.

Officials hope tinkering with the supply chain stabilises skyrocketing prices for cement and discourages intermediaries. Agents and wholesalers make up much of the cement business. Wholesalers buy cement from factories through bids, while agents access cement from plants directly. Industry players worry the directive will cause drastic changes in the roles agents have been playing in the construction industry. In Addis Abeba, 600,000 people are engaged in the construction industry and, by extension, the cement business.

Biniam Kidir has been an agent for Dangote Cement for the past three years. The Nigeria-based company joined the industry six years ago with an investment of 600 million dollars.

“Business has been declining this year due to supply shortages,” said Biniam.

Putting agents out of the cement supply chain will complicate supply interruptions further, warns an agent who wants to remain anonymous.

“We’ve seen what will happen when only a few distributors are allowed to operate,” said the agent.

Two years ago, the former Ministry of Trade & Industry selected five distributors – including Guna Trading House, Ambasel Trading House, Biftu Adugna Business, and the  Ethiopian Industrial Input Development Enterprise – as exclusive wholesalers for Portland Pozzolana Cement (PPC) products, one of the two types of cement produced. The decision came a few weeks after the suspension of 12 cement wholesalers. However, more problems followed than they solved. Since 2020, the retail prices for a quintal of cement have jumped by a third to around 800 Br.

Late last week, vendors at Megenagna, a hub for cement retail, sold a quintal for 1,200 Br. This is nearly triple the factory-gate price.

It was fuel to the fire for contractors, who have been battered by the skyrocketing prices for building materials seen over the past two years. Industry insiders blamed intermediaries, complex supply chains, and alleged hoarding practices.

“The directive will end the involvement of intermediaries,” Gezahegn Dechasa, general manager of Mugher Cement.

Founded in 1984, the state-owned Mugher Cement can produce one million tonnes. It uses 80pc of its capacity, much higher than the industry average of 62pc. Mugher Cement depends on 49 wholesalers and has no relationships with agents. Half of the factory’s cement goes to mega public projects such as the GERD.

Sewale Abate (PhD), an assistant professor of finance and investment at Addis Abeba University, sees the move to cut off agents from the supply chain as shortsighted. However, he recognises that some agents may deserve to relinquish their place in the business.

“If they’re not operating according to the law, the Ministry can take action,” he said.

The upsurge in cement prices comes when prices for construction inputs such as reinforcement bars, aluminium, and glasses escalated. It forced the federal government to inject billions of Birr into contractors undertaking public projects covering them from cost escalations. Projects under 41 public universities and construction companies contracted for federal road projects are eligible for the cost escalation adjustment. Close to 800 public projects valued at 100 billion Br are under construction.

The cement industry faces technical and security problems, leading to a decline in production. The Trade Ministry imposed a price cap and lifted the ban on importing cement, issuing Franco Valuta permits and exemptions of import taxes for importers using their own forex sources. However, these measures proved ineffective.

Managers of cement factories have been voicing concerns over the short supply of raw materials, which has been controlled by youth groups organised by the regional states. Two weeks ago, the Ministry of Mines issued a directive legally binding the cement factories to work with input suppliers who control the quarries.

The Local Elections Everybody Forgets About

It is not the best of times to be in charge of governance in Ethiopia, whether at the federal or regional levels.

The news of atrocities coming from around the country is horrific. Enervating insecurity over the past four years in all but Somali Regional State is abound. Ethiopia is one of the 10 conflict zones to watch this year, according to Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a conflict mapping project under the University of Sussex. It monitored 1,650 violent political conflicts last year, causing no less than 8,500 casualties in lives. The recent massacre of hundreds of people in Wellega Zone signals that the days of political stability are not within reach.

The economy is in tatters. Yet, policymakers appear to want to bootstrap their way out of the inflationary environment created by the consequences of the pandemic, war, money-printing and soaring global commodity prices. Capital spending is down. Debt servicing will be the highest next year, and subsidies to regional states will not be able to catch up with inflationary pressure in the broader economy. With recurrent budget ballooning, claimed mainly by defence expenditures, the IMF projects the deficit to grow even higher.

There is one person who has gotten the shortest end of the stick this year.

Birtukan Mideksa, chief of the National Electoral Board, was spurned in her much-expanded budget request. She proposed an allocation of six billion Birr for the coming fiscal year, a request which made Messrs Ahmed Shide and his deputy Eyob Tekalign (PhD) baulked at the ask representing 8,262pc of the budget ceiling. They were willing to go 194pc above, higher than most agencies. In the proposed spending bill for the coming year, Madam Birtukan has to be contended with receiving under a quarter of a billion Birr for recurrent spending – a blow to the constitutional institution she is in charge of.

In most years, this should not have been an issue. But now, it goes beyond just a matter of a thrifty Finance Ministry and a federal agency. Instead, it reaches the very essence of federalism, and the power denied to local governments. The federal government starving the Electoral Board of critical funding when local elections have not been held in nine years (and counting) speaks to the gap in the exercise and understanding of federalism. Or the intended neglect of the tenet of the constitution.

Come next year, local government officials serving in weredas, kebeles, zones and city administrations (except for Addis Abeba and Dire Dawa) will have spent a decade without elections having taken place. The last local election was held in 2013; the next one was supposed to be held in five years but has been postponed since. Not even murmurs over when they would be held are heard anymore. It is barely brought up in whatever is left off the public discourse in civility.

Elections in Ethiopia have been essential exercises in measuring economic performance, representation and justice by bringing scrutiny to constitutional institutions and governance. The electorate may grumble about (and those who dare confront the police out on the streets) the voting process’s fairness and the outcomes’ credibility. However, until the mid-2010s, the regularity of national elections was not tested, come what may the political fever.

Take the 2013 local elections. While it left much to be desired, particularly in the fairness department, almost 32 million voters were registered, and 3.6 million candidates (most of them from the now defunct EPRDF) had contested. While such elections might have been flawed under an incumbent with a hegemonic grip, it was not useless. Subsequent administrations were supposed to work on the flaws, not forget all about them.

Local elections are every bit as important as those held at regional or federal levels. Local officials do not exercise expansive powers or administer funds quite as large. But local governments are the closest to the people; it is a manifestation of the devolution of political power. Policing, health and education are all under the purview of local governments. The electorates are redistricted at the wereda level. At the local level, the daily challenges of voters can be addressed where there are officials closer to communities. They are supposedly better placed to recognise challenges and respond to address them.

Why is an election detrimental to advancing citizens’ constitutional rights barely getting any attention? How is it possible that not a single federal legislator raised that the Electoral Board is being hampered from administering local elections when it is starved of funding?

Partly, it seems awareness of how the federal system works is fading. It feels like the ghosts of Ethiopia’s imperial past, where local officials are appointed from the centre, have resurfaced. Even during the Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Republic of the Dergue, political power was exercised at the highest levels, not decentralised and redistributed to local administrations.

Ethiopia became a federated republic in the mid-1990s. Most people now assume that the increasing assertiveness of regional states is “revolutionary” when it is just a feature of federalism. Revolutionary would have been when local officials put their constituents before party loyalty and the dictates of regional or federal officials.

The problem, nonetheless, is that there is no constitutional obligation to hold local elections over a specified time. Local governments are beholden to the whims of state governments. The constitution only vaguely guarantees that “adequate power shall be granted to the lowest units of government,” which can be read in many ways in governing the power of lower administrative units. Parliament can meet, however, at year’s end and decide whether or not local elections would be held the year after.

The first few years the elections were postponed could be excused due to a challenging environment due to political instabilities. Widespread violent protests spurred by the youth bulge might have made it not ideal for undertaking such a political enterprise. But the decision to delay indefinitely when national elections have taken place under the toughest possible conditions of widespread conflicts and war could only manifest the failure to live up to the spirit of federalism. It cannot be justified.

It is understandable that there needed to be budget cuts considering the alarmingly growing gap in the federal budget deficit. But issues concerning political representations are not to be put on the backburner. It ought to be a priority to contribute to political stability. The federal parliament is responsible for ensuring adequate funding was appropriated to the Electoral Board. Under runaway inflation and the scale of local elections, the budget should match the 3.7 billion Br allocated to hold the national elections last year. For now, though, Birtukan has lost the budgetary battle. It will be a matter of curiosity to see how competent she will be to see through local elections next year with a stringent budget.

It could also be an idea worth considering to have an insurance policy against parliament’s prerogative to postpone local elections indefinitely. A constitutional guarantee would be ideal, an item to consider for constitutional amendments. If not, the electoral law, which has a scope of application at all levels of elections, can put forward some safeguards. Regional states get to determine the timing and even the number of representatives for elections, but the federal legislative house is also responsible for the “enforcement of the political rights established by the Constitution and electoral laws and procedure.” As far as local elections are political rights, this offers scope for debate.

It is against the interest of regional states to empower local officials and administrative units. But the spirit and promise of federalism call for it. Ultimately, the power of regional states over local elections may never be taken away, and arguably, it should not. Still, they need to be scrutinised and accounted for their actions, or lack thereof.

Sunday Markets Fleeting Success Battling Inflation

It was a cloudy Sunday two weeks ago, not ideal for outdoor events. The grey sky quickly engrossed Addis Abeba as the rainy days set in. Yet, the dreary weather did little to deter thousands of people from making their way to the government-run Sunday markets spread across the capital.

With close to 30 white tents packed tightly together, the Sunday market around Megenagna was overwrought. Hundreds, if not thousands, of shoppers were in view early in the morning, hoping to take advantage of low prices for consumer goods. After all, these are seasons of runaway inflation eroding household income.

There stood a casually dressed man with a bag over his shoulder. Tadesse Hunegn, 35, was caught in a heated bargain with a trader in one of the tents. The loud words between them attracted the attention of those around – both shoppers and traders. Tadesse had made his way to the market from his home in the Gerji area. He wanted to buy body soap and food items such as pasta. He had hoped these would be available at prices cheaper than what retailers in his neighbourhood would charge. It was what he had heard city officials promised for Sunday markets.

Tadesse’s high-pitched steal with the trader resulted from his frustration upon hearing the prices.

“I can’t believe this,” Tadesse told Fortune.

The trader offered to sell a pack of pasta for prices barely different from what he would have paid if he had gone shopping nearer his home.

Tadesse’s vexation is shared by millions of consumers, who saw their purchasing power steadily eroded by rampant inflation.

The pressure began picking up last August when headline inflation peaked above 30pc. It has not been abated, with each subsequent month registering higher figures. Last month, headline inflation was at 36.6pc, according to the latest report from the Ethiopian Statistics Service. Food inflation stood at 43pc, with cereals such as wheat, teff, and maize showing the highest jumps in their prices.

The prices of cereals are one of the most essential components in the Consumer Price Index (CPI), accounting for 23pc of the basket of goods surveyed.

The unrelenting inflationary pressure has forced consumers like Tadesse to reconsider their budget priorities and tighten their purse strings in a country where food accounts for 54pc of total household consumption expenditure.

The soaring food prices have become a global concern, particularly after Russia invaded Ukraine three months ago. Between them, these countries cover one-fourth of the world’s wheat supply. The deep concern has led international policymakers to meet in Berlin, Germany, last week for a global food security summit. Worqneh Gebeyehu (PhD), secretary general of IGAD, told the summit that the number of food insecure people in the Horn of Africa rose by nine million to 49.4 million in just a month since May this year.

The Secretary General attributed 30pc of the price upsurge in the region to conflicts. His country is engrossed by a civil war in the north, a resurgent insurgency in the southwest, and violent conflicts elsewhere. A combination of a pandemic-induced business slowdown, drought and wide budget deficit due to an increase in recurrent budget (mostly defence) put consumers like Tadesse on the receiving end of the economic turmoil.

Tadesse earns a gross salary of 5,300 Br from his job, which he declined to elaborate on. He spends a quarter of his wages to pay for rent for a one-room dwelling he shares with his wife. His hopes that going to Sunday markets once a month would help him cut down on expenses have not panned out for him. His visit to Megenagna on June 19 proved his hope was misplaced.

Standing inside the tent behind a table laden with consumer items, Kefyalew Nigussie had no comforting words for Tadesse.

Kefyalew, sales officer of Edget Be-Hibret Consumer Cooperative, told buyers the prices for a pack of spaghetti 36 Br. It was two Birr lower than what kiosks in Tadesse’s neighbourhood ask. A brand of soap was sold for 20 Br a bar, hardly different from what Tadesse would have paid elsewhere.

“It isn’t our fault,” Kefyalew shouted, battling to be heard over the noise in around. “The factories and our suppliers increased their prices recently.”

He claimed a shortage of inputs like wheat is to be blamed. However, Kefyalew saw consumers buy large quantities of food items and agricultural commodities, although demand for industrial products at the Sunday market was falling. Of the 10qtl of onion he had brought with him to market that day, only two remained by lunchtime.

Kefyalew’s trade is a small part of a larger ambition by Mayor Adanech Abiebie and her team at the Addis Abeba City Administration to tame inflationary pressure in the market. In the absence of viable policy responses to fight back the vagaries of the market at the federal level, city officials resorted to shifting the blame on businesspeople for alleged hoarding and intermediaries for speculation. They were determined to weed out the intermediaries.

In October last year, they introduced a Sunday Market platform, hoping direct transactions between producers and consumers narrow the margins benefiting the latter.

Organised by the Addis Abeba Trade Bureau, in partnership with the city’s Cooperative Agency, Sunday markets are dominated by the 148 consumer cooperative unions operating in the capital. They have received half a billion Birr this year from the city administration in a revolving fund to promote these markets.

The initiative had initially shown promise, providing a semblance of respite for the residents of a city where living costs have become unruly. Sellers had been offering consumer items at much lower prices. In its early days, a kilo of macaroni was cheaper by 10 Br than retail outlets offer at 65 Br. Municipal authorities’ claimed Sunday markets helped reduce food prices by 30pc, on average. The low prices attracted large numbers of shoppers, forcing retailers elsewhere in the city to lower their prices.

The success was fleeting.

Recently, consumers such as Tadesse see commodity prices at the weekly markets are soaring.

However, for Mesfin Asefa, deputy head of the Addis Abeba Trade Bureau, the Sunday markets have successfully stabilised the prices of food items.

“This is why we decided to expand the initiative,” he said.

The Sunday Markets initiative is an extension of a scheme introduced to the capital more than a decade ago. Since 2010, the government has been providing subsidised food items such as wheat to low-income households, channelling the produce through cooperative outlets. The markets were launched at five locations in Addis Abeba at the beginning but ballooned to 96 in less than a year. Agricultural produce and industrial commodities valued at over 136 billion Br have been supplied through the weekly markets, according to information obtained from the Cooperative Agency.

However, the Sunday Markets benefit a particular stratum of the urban population. Those with higher incomes frequent the markets, while the poor are left out in the cold as even the slightly lower prices are simply beyond reach. Over the past decade, Ethiopia‘s economy has expanded rapidly, double-digit growth. Yet, the high food prices threaten to undo the benefits of economic gain, pushing more families deeper into the poverty trap.

Experts observed that a larger segment of the population is likely falling into the poverty trap due to inflationary shocks. Low-income and vulnerable households across the country are most prone to suffering from rising food prices, according to Atlaw Alemu (PhD), an economist.

The galloping inflation makes life hard, particularly for the urban destitute, that constitute part of the 30pc of the population living under the poverty line.

Almaz Mekuria, a resident of Addis Abeba, could be one of these. In her 60s, she lives with her two grandsons and a daughter who was recently deported from Saudi Arabia, empty-handed. Almaz’s family lives in a one-bedroom house around Kotebe in Yeka District, for a subsistence living.

Last week, she was seeding flowers behind Kotebe Metropolitan University along with four women. It pays her 120 Br a day, a five-day work a week offered by a development initiative to do waste management and urban beautification.

“It hasn’t been enough to feed my grandsons once a day,” she told Fortune.

Almaz is one of the 800,000 beneficiaries of the safety-net programme in her wereda, a part of an initiative started in 2017 with 550 million dollars in funding. More than half of the fund paid by the World Bank, the first phase had supported a little more than half a million poor in 11 cities, including Addis Abeba. Residents designated by local administrators as “the poorest of the poor” receive 2,400 Br a month for work done to keep their neighbourhood clean and net.

“The amount of money disbursed to direct and indirect beneficiaries has been growing based on the cost of living,” said Abraham Petros, director of urban food self-sufficiency and safety-net.

Payments to beneficiaries like Almaz rose from 90 Br a day last year. Nonetheless, the programme covers less than a fifth of the beneficiaries officials hope to reach.

City officials tried other initiatives targeting inflationary pressure. A school feeding programme under the City Administration provides two meals a day to primary school children in 290 public schools.

Almaz says she would have been unable to feed her grandsons if it were not for this programme.

Despite these initiatives, the rising cost of living gives no break to consumers. Ahmed Shide, minister of Finance, admitted to Parliament that the economy was grappling with multiple challenges and shocks, both internal and external. He is among the officialdom associating inflation mostly with disruptions in the global economy, often to agricultural supply shortages, and illicit trade practices.

However, experts and officials are not on the same page on what causes such dramatic price rises. Experts urge are other factors are at play here.

Inflation is deeply rooted in the government’s financing of its budget deficit, according to Atnafu Gebremeskel (PhD), assistant professor of economics at Addis Abeba University. An executive member of the Ethiopian Economics Association, Atnafu published a study two years ago examining the inflationary dynamics in the macroeconomic stability. He looked into the prices of 280 commodities over 23 years.

His findings were conclusive. Monetary growth accounts for 80pc of inflation, suggesting that the money supply is a significant factor driving prices upward. It is a troublesome phenomenon where the central bank prints more money than the economy absorbs to lend to the government to pay for its budget deficit.

Officials’ claim that they are determined to avoid direct borrowing from the central bank has been a promise unfulfilled. Last year, borrowing from the central bank grew by 52 billion Br, topping 113 billion Br in the first quarter of this year. The 786.6 billion Br budget bill for the coming fiscal year tabled to Parliament three weeks ago also comes with a huge appetite for deficit financing. It is projected at 308 billion Br, reaching nearly four percent of the GDP.

Federal officials plan to pay for 86pc of the deficit through borrowing from domestic sources, mainly from the central bank’s treasury bill (T-bill) auctions. This is, however, a daunting task considering declining tax revenues, which are expected to fall by a quarter this year.

Semeneh Bessie (PhD) is an associate professor of economics and director of partnership and communications at the Ethiopian Economics Association. He sees the global food crisis brought on by the pandemic and Russia’s war in Ukraine have not had as strong an impact on domestic food prices as supply shortages locally.

“External shocks coupled with supply shortages have been the major factors,” said Semeneh.

Nonetheless, Russia’s war has wreaked havoc on supply in the crucial Black Sea breadbasket region, upending global trade flows and fueling panic about shortages of staples such as wheat and cooking oil. The war sends shockwaves to Ethiopia, a country importing 30pc of its crude and refined cooking oils (mainly from Malaysia), and wheat from Russia and Ukraine.

A few weeks after the war erupted in Ukraine, the price of a five-litre bottle of sunflower oil skyrocketed, reaching 1,000 Br. Ukraine is the world’s foremost producer of sunflower oil.

Although Semeneh disagreed with Atlaw’s views on the significant factors fueling inflation, he does not entirely disregard the money supply growth as a factor.

“It isn’t the growth of money injected into the economy that is a factor,” he said. “Rather, how it is injected matters the most.”

The federal government has been spending hundreds of billions of Birr in public infrastructure to induce the demand side of the equation. The supply side has not been given as much attention, not helping the increase in productivity.

The federal government appropriates close to 10pc of its annual budget to the agricultural sector, employing nearly 80pc of the population. However, productivity has not been improved significantly. Massive imports meant to stabilise prices are taken as options. Starved of foreign exchange, federal officials allowed, in April last year, a Franco-valuta scheme to ease the escalating food prices. They issue special permits to importers who bring in food products such as wheat, sugar, cooking oils, and rice, using foreign currencies from overseas.

In Franco-valuta, goods are imported without the need for importers to open letters of credit (LC) or enter cash against documents (CAD) agreements at commercial banks, hence not demanding forex commitment from the country where the goods are exported to. Annually, commodities valued at 14 billion Br are imported through Franco Valuta.

The scheme is compelling; the government extended the period last year to include essential items, says Meskerem Motti, director of commodity price research at the Ministry of Trade & Regional Integration (MoTRI).

In the past three months, 45 companies imported more than 50 million litres of cooking oil, while another 145 companies imported 2.5 million quintals of sugar through Franco Valuta.

Atlaw observed that the import volumes are insignificant compared to the demand and argued that the scheme is a breeding ground for illicit activities in the parallel market.

“The black market has been the major source of foreign currency for importers,” he said.

Despite the various measures officials take from Sunday Markets to Franco-valuta and lifting excise taxes and duties on imported food items, pulling the inflation rate into the fabled single-digit zone remains a daunting task for the administration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD).

Experts caution addressing the weak links should instead be the focus of policymakers when they provide resource support to actors in the economy. But the government is going in the other direction.

Last week, regulators at the central bank decided to lower the reserve requirement for commercial banks by half, injecting close to 80 billion Br into the banking system and stoking fears of aggravating inflationary pressure. The progressive lifting off of fuel subsidies slated to begin in a couple of weeks is likely to worsen matters.

Higher prices for groceries put pressure on the incomes of many residents like Tadesse, who went to his home last Sunday empty-handed. They are bound to shift their budgets to cover the most essential necessities, cutting down on all other expenses. It is even grimmer for the needy like Almaz, who does odd jobs like washing clothes to make ends meet. The earnings she makes may not be enough to pay to feed her grandsons once a day.

Mayor Adanech Receives Cabinet Approval to Compensate Farmers

Mayor Adanech Abiebie has won the approval of the Addis Abeba City Cabinet to give reparations to hundreds of farmers in the capital’s peripheries who have lost land for infrastructure development, roads and public housing projects. The 45-member cabinet announced its decision to award reparation to over 400 farmers in Lemi Kura and Akaki-Qality districts last month on April 26, 2022.

The farmers who have lost close to 200hct of land for the development of public projects are considered for compensation.

Close to a quarter of the land is located in Lemi Kura, the capital’s newest district established through the transfer of weredas from Bole and Yeka districts two years ago. Most of the plots lie in Akaki-Qality, which hosts the Koye Fiche condominium site. It comprises over 10,000 housing units on the southeastern fringes of the capital. Although the units have been completed in Koye Fiche, road works have been stalled due to disputes with farmers who claim ownership over the land.

“Public projects in these areas have been interrupted by the disputes,” said Kebede Ata, director of redevelopment and right of way.

Officials from these districts requested the Cabinet for compensation for loss last September. The decision by the Cabinet, which city officials estimate will cost city taxpayers 50 million Br, comes as Mayor Adanech’s administration faces increasing demands for similar indemnities from residents. Officials of the Addis Abeba Land Development & Management Bureau say the value of the compensations could grow as more farmers come forward with complaints. Farmers who have lodged complaints beginning in 2016 are eligible for compensation.

An estimated 70,000 farming households are located within the capital’s boundaries, mainly in the Bole, Yeka and Akaki-Qality districts, according to a 2017 report from UN-Habitat.

“The Bureau has submitted a budget request to cover the cost,” confirmed Kebede.

Compensation paid to farmers a decade ago has not been enough to quell the contention.

Gelana Girma, 66, is among 32,000 peri-urban farmers who were left without recourse upon losing land to urban expansion projects in 2017. A father of six, he lives in Wereda 10 of the Akaki-Qality District. A decade ago, he gave up a 10hct plot inherited from his parents to the Koye Fiche housing project. He is left with two hectares, which he uses to farm wheat and maize for a harvest of 20qtl a year.

“We’re completely dependent on the land,” Gelana told Fortune.

He was initially paid 18 Br for a square metre, a reparation for the land ceded. However, Gelana believes the compensation was unfair. His frustration stems from the ballooning costs for the condominium units built on his former land. A two-bedroom unit can fetch over 1.5 million Br.

Legal experts contend Gelana’s misgivings are a misconception created by the improper implementation of laws governing the transfer of urban land. Although the misconception is understandable in a country like Ethiopia, where land is treated as a primary economic asset, it is under the ownership of “the state and the people”, argued Yehualashet Tamiru, a legal consultant and researcher.

He believes land expropriation is based on legally-acceptable grounds.

“Compensation considers factors like capital and labour costs,” said Yehualashet. “But land isn’t included.”

Nonetheless, significant issues provoked public anger and widespread protests beginning in 2016. Legislation that governs the expropriation of land for public use, and the payment of compensation, was amended three years ago. It compels landholders to hand over plots within three months after receiving compensation. However, the experience of farmers like Gelana tells a different story.

He received payment a year after surrendering his land.

Yehualashet concedes that assessing the value of compensation is a complicated and time-taking process. The Council of Ministers passed a regulation two years ago for property valuation to be assessed by independent entities. Despite this, a lack of private valuation firms left the job for experts drawn from various government institutions.

Arba Beyene, a legal expert who worked at the Yeka District Land Management Bureau for three years, had the opportunity to monitor the process closely.

“There’s a lack of competent experts to conduct valuations on properties,” he said.

However, the City Administration has attempted to set thresholds. A directive issued two years ago puts the compensation value for a square metre of land at 242 Br, while the rate is up to 1,050 Br if the plot is classified as communal grazing land. It should be revised every two years by a committee comprising experts from the Urban Agriculture and Design & Construction Works bureaus.

“The lack of an index listing the updated material cost of construction and inputs is a major challenge in revising the compensation rate,” said Arba.

Addis Abeba City Admin Under Extensive Restructuring, Reshuffle

The Addis Abeba City Administration is undergoing an extensive reshuffling leading the number of bureaus and offices down to 45. It is the second administrative restructuring attempted in the capital over the past three years when the city’s offices dropped to 71.

The latest redeployment of civil servants is based on a regulation city councillors approved late last year, a month after the formation of Mayor Adanech Abiebie’s cabinet.

The Public Service & Human Resource Development Bureau, under Hikman Hayreddin, oversee the restructuring. Previously served as the administrator of Halaba Zone in the Southern Regional State, Hikman took the helm at the Bureau, replacing Hailu Lulie, who headed the Bureau for three years.

She had served as head of the bureau for women and children’s affairs of the Southern Regional State before 2018.

Hikman and her colleagues have introduced an evaluation system to determine personnel assignments.

Unlike redeployments at the federal level, the city does not require civil servants to sit for examinations. The regulation allows candidates to compete for posts after fulfilling academic requirements. However, a merit-based rating system of periodic evaluations decides whether they should get the jobs. The ability to execute plans and work ethics account for 70pc of the points under the system, while records make up five percent. The remaining points are awarded based on supervisors’ assessments.

Chala Abdessa, a public administration lecturer at Addis Abeba University, was involved in the restructuring implemented three years ago. He believes a merit-based evaluation system is helpful as it allows civil servants to compete for placements.

“The system focuses on recent performances rather than depending on educational background,” said Chala.

The Bureau under Hikman has thus far streamlined the restructuring of 22 agencies under the city administration. Reforming the remaining agencies will be completed in the next budget year, according to Hailu Abebe, an official at the Public Service Bureau.

The Construction Permit & Control Authority on Equatorial Guinea St. (between Hayahulet Mazoria and Megenagna) is where a change occurred. Headed by Setotaw Akale, the Authority has been split into two segments: central and administrative. Several of its 220 employees have been competing for senior placements over the last four months. Close to a fifth of the workforce was running for director and team leader positions, with 22 landing the jobs.

A few employees who used to hold top positions but were relegated to professional placements have put forward complaints to a selection committee.

“The complaints were properly addressed,” said Mulugeta Ligedi, a committee member, who is also a director of construction permits. “All the employees have been redeployed.”

However, close to 90 placements at the Authority remain vacant, expected to be filled from other agencies under the city administration but remain unassigned.

Chala says that restructuring should not be seen as a goal of its own.

“It’s a tool to achieve organisational objectives,” he said.

The Land Development & Administration Bureau has also completed the restructuring and reshuffling process. With 304 staff, the Bureau has recently been the focus of attention due to alleged corruption and illicit land transfers in the capital. A study conducted by the City Administration last year uncovered that 383hct of land designated to be transferred to the city’s land bank was instead in the hands of individuals. Last February, officials reclaimed the title deeds for 671 plots deemed to be held unlawfully.

Before Hikman took the helm, the city’s Public Service & Human Resource Development Bureau carried out reshuffling based on a regulation the city council has yet to ratify. Many of the Bureau’s district-level staff were redeployed to other agencies. However, senior officials were forced to rescind the reshuffling after judges at the Federal High Court ordered the employees to be reinstated to their former positions.

The latest attempt at restructuring has seen three agencies in land-related services folded into the Land Bureau at a directorate level.

“It’s essential to put all land-related services under one roof,” said Kahlid Nesreddin, head of the Bureau.

Inside Dashen’s 230m Br Data Centre

Dashen Bank has rolled out a data centre for nearly a quarter of a billion Birr. Installed by two local firms, the centre is expected to enhance networking and security systems at one of the country’s oldest private commercial banks.

IPCOM Technologies, in business since 2010, built the data centre, while eSafe IT Solutions Plc, incorporated in 2017, installed the networking and security facilities. The two firms were among the seven companies that responded to Dashen’s call for expression of interest a year ago. It took them eight months to complete construction and installation works, with the centre having the capacity to store five years of the Bank’s data.

It comprises 46 racks, cooling systems, uninterruptible power supply (UPS) units, and generators. A single rack can host over 100 servers.

The centre requires close to 700kw of electric power to operate.

Incorporated with a paid-up capital of three million Birr, IPCOM bought the data centre components and hardware from Chinese tech giant Huawei. The company has previously been involved in similar projects at other financial institutions, including the Cooperative Bank of Oromia, Zemen Bank, and Amhara Credit & Savings Institution. Dashen Bank paid IPCOM 160 million Br.

Founded in 1987, Huawei has had a significant presence in the Ethiopian market over the past decade. It was behind Ethio telecom’s data centre launched last year. It is also heavily involved in the state telco’s 41 million dollars 5G network.

The data centre business is booming, as several are under development at the Addis Abeba ICT Park on the capital’s eastern outskirts. Five companies, including Wingu.Africa, the Raxio Group, and RedFox Solutions, have broken ground on the construction of their facilities in the park. Wingu.Africa, an international data centre developer and subsidiary of a parent company incorporated in Mauritius, is owned by founders from Cyprus and the United Kingdom. Africa Capital Works, an investment fund, holds a stake in the company.

It began developing its data centre in Ethiopia two years ago on a 15,000sqm plot. The company has completed the first phase of its project; the second is underway.

“The market for data centres is enormous,” said Nicholas Lodge, chief strategy officer for Wingu.Africa.

Three months ago, Wingu.Africa signed lease agreements with five companies, including Goh Betoch Bank and the Bank of Abyssinia.

Dashen’s new data centre is housed in its headquarters on Sudan Street, across from the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE). The Bank plans to use its previous data centre around Wello Sefer, in operation for the past eight years, as a backup. It has the capacity to store 100 terabytes of data.

“The previous network system could no longer accommodate the growing transactions,” said Anteneh Tadesse, director of IT infrastructure.

Dashen Bank had mobilised nearly 75 billion Br in deposits, recording a 39pc growth. It saw close to 30 branches opened, bringing its network to 454.

Under the management of Asfaw Alemu, Dashen Bank is among industry pioneers in digital banking services. The subscriber base for Amole, Dashen’s digital payments platform, was close to 2.4 million by the end of the last financial year. It operates 403 ATMs and 1,340 points of sale (POS) terminals.

Dashen has been using Oracle Flexcube, a universal core banking solution, for the past 20 years. It has been four years since the Bank upgraded its core banking software at the cost of 140 million Br, the second upgrade since 2010.

“We’re planning to upgrade again in the next few months,” said Anteneh.

The executives of Dashen have plans to erect an additional recovery data centre in compliance with central bank rules. Two months ago, the central ordered commercial banks to build a recovery data centre, 120Km away from the main site.

Solomon Mohammed, an IT infrastructure expert who has worked in the industry for nearly a decade, applauds Dashen Bank’s investment in a modern data centre. However, he doubted the Bank would use the data centre to the fullest.

“The investment and the storage capacity are way beyond its needs,” he said of the 26-year-old Bank, which netted 1.73 billion Br in profits last year, with earnings per share at 471 Br.

Three years ago, Dashen Bank’s close competitor, the Bank of Abyssinia, upgraded its data centre at the cost of 100 million Br.

FAO Gets Nod to Supply Fertiliser to Farmers in Tigray

Months of effort from Chimimba David Phiri, Ethiopia’s representative of the Food & Agriculture Organisation (FAO), to facilitate the procurement of chemical fertilisers for farmers in the Tigray Regional State bore fruit. Last week, Oumer Hussien, minister of Agriculture, granted him the green light to buy more than 60,000tn of fertiliser from the international market.

Close to half of the 1.2 million smallholder farmers in Tigray use chemical fertilisers, according to a survey published by the Ethiopian Statistics Service.

Phiri, appointed to his current position in 2018, has been corresponding with federal officials to secure the agricultural input for farmers who plough close to a million hectares of land in Tigray. They farm two million tonnes of grain crops annually, which accounts for a tenth of the harvest at the national level. The international community has been putting pressure on the federal government to allow the provision of agricultural input to farmers in Tigray.

Regional states have an obligation to reimburse the cost before receiving fertiliser, seeds and agricultural inputs. The Tigray Regional State Administration has not received federal budgetary support for nearly two years. In October 2020, lawmakers voted to cut off official business with the regional state following a dispute over the administration’s decision to hold regional elections. The transfer of 10.4 billion Br in budgetary support approved four months earlier was blocked consequently.

The regional state remained under blockade since the outbreak of war in November 2020. No public services in electricity, telecom and banking are available. However, international donors press federal authorities to allow the provisions of humanitarian assistance in food and medicine. With the main rainy season already in, supplying fertiliser to farmers in Tigray has been an issue raised by FAO and its head in Addis Abeba, Phiri.

Having his doctoral studies in land economy and development economics from the University of Cambridge, UK, Phiri is an experienced hand, serving as sub-regional coordinator for the FAO in Southern Africa for five years. He was FAO’s representative to Zimbabwe, Swaziland, and Botswana.

Phiri’s request was accepted by Minister Oumer on condition, according to people close to the matter.

The Agriculture Ministry wants to be involved in quality inspection, and approval of laboratory results suppliers provide FAO before the fertiliser is allowed in.

“This is to ensure the quality of fertiliser matches the country’s standards,” reads a letter Minister Oumer dispatched to Phiri.

The Ethiopian Conformity Assessment Enterprise carries out laboratory testing on the fertiliser, under the supervision of the Ministry.

“The newly-established Agricultural Authority will take over the supervision role next year,” said Sileshi Getahun, advisor to Sofia Kassa (PhD), a state minister for Agriculture.

Oumer told Phiri he had approved his request due to the global shortage of fertilisers and the scarcity of foreign currency the country is experiencing.

These factors have contributed to delays in the procurement and distribution of the much-needed agricultural input to farmers across the country. Eighteen million smallholder farmers harvest over 330 million quintals annually, though less than half use chemical fertilisers.

Established seven years ago, the Ethiopian Agricultural Businesses Corporation is the federal agency with the mandate to import fertiliser into the country. The Corporation procures the input after regional administrations submit the year’s demand to the Ministry of Agriculture. For the coming Mehir season, the Corporation bought 1.3 tonnes of fertiliser; over half of these is NPS bought from the Morocco-based OCB Group at 650 dollars a tonne. The price is twice the price the Corporation spent last year.

Procuring half a million tonnes of Urea from FertiGlobe, a company in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), was a convoluted process. It rescinded the contract to supply fertiliser at 710 dollars a tonne. After months of negotiations, the price was adjusted to 1,000 dollars.

Global price surges meant that smallholder farmers were faced with unprecedented costs for fertiliser, going up to 4,900 Br a quintal locally. It was nearly triple what farmers had paid last year. Last week, Minister Oumer’s efforts to source additional funding to cut costs succeeded. The federal government has approved 15 billion Br in subsidies sourced from the state-owned Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE). The subsidies have lowered fertiliser prices in the retail market by a quarter.

Distribution has also been slow, with a quarter of the procured fertiliser yet to reach warehouses operated by cooperative unions tasked with distributing to farmers.

The Corporation’s executives say they are not aware of the deal with the FAO.

“We haven’t received confirmation from the Ministry,” said Gashaw Aycheluhim, communications director at the Corporation.

The UN Agency, however, says the procurement process for the first batch of fertiliser is already ongoing.

“Some of the fertiliser is already in the country,” reads a statement FAO issued.

The FAO is spending 11 million dollars on procuring the first batch of 7,300tn of fertiliser from the federal government. Despite securing finance for its latest procurement, FAO faces an 85 million dollar deficit to buy the remaining amount. FAO is discussing with development partners to secure the funds, says a statement sent to Fortune.

The UN organisation has a fully staffed and regional operational office in Tigray.

However, those close to the issue fear that the procurement might be too late for farmers in the region.

Lemma Dagabassa, a lecturer at Haromaya University’s school of plant sciences, foresees the procurement of fertilisers will mean little for farmers in Tigray as the time for planting has already passed.

Sorghum, teff, and maize are the major crops harvested, accounting for nearly two-thirds of total agricultural output in Tigray.

“Due to years of soil erosion, the region is among the areas that require chemical fertilisers to compensate for the loss of nutrients in the soil,” said Lemma.

NEW ERA FOR PUBLIC ENTERPRISE

The squad at the helm of public and regulatory economic institutions attended a conference inside the meeting hall of the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia’s (CBE) new headquarters last week. It included, right to left, Girma Wake, board chairperson of the Ethiopian Airlines Group; Frehiwot Tamiru, CEO of Ethio telecom; Yinager Dessie (PhD), governor of the central; Eyob Tekalign (PhD), a state minister for Finance; and, Finance Minister Ahmed Shide. They showed up at the invitation of the recently established Ethiopian Investment Holdings, a sovereign wealth fund headed by Mamo Mihretu (farthest left).

The summit was held to bring on-board several state enterprises under Investment Holdings, which has a paid up capital of 25 billion Br and is chaired by the Prime Minister, and officially launch its operations. Many of the bigwigs in attendance are members of the fund’s board. The meetings, held on Thursday and Friday last week, also included discussions on public assets and national wealth, portfolio management, and integration of procedures with the state enterprises.

The enterprises coming under the wing of Investment Holdings are the biggest in the country, and taken from nearly every economic sector. The largest ones are, by revenue, Ethiopian Airlines, the CBE, Ethio telecom, the Ethiopian Shipping & Logistics Services Enterprise, and the Ethiopian Insurance Corporation. These public enterprises and two dozen others will hereon serve as subsidiaries to Investment Holdings, which is structured as a parent company. The sovereign fund’s ambition is to consolidate assets, mobilise funds and serve as the primary investment arm of the government.

State enterprises have been as much a blessing to the government as they have been a thorn in its side. The likes of Ethio telecom are cash cows while CBE’s deposits are exhausted to serve development objectives. At the same time, the likes of the Ethiopian Sugar Corporation have been ticking time bombs, at least until their debt was soaked up, that have created a sovereign debt burden and placed the CBE in a precarious situation. Investment Holdings wants to turn the second part around and more.

Minibus Taxis Face Hurdles Registering for Fuel Subsidies

Over 1,000 minibus taxi owners operating in Addis Abeba with “Code-3” license plates are caught in a dilemma in their attempt to qualify for federal fuel subsidies.

Federal transport officials plan to begin phasing out subsidies next month. Most vehicle owners will pay full prices at pumping stations within a year; public transport vehicles are set to see subsidies lowered progressively in five years. The Ethiopian Roads Fund is compiling a list of cars entitled to continue receiving the subsidies, collecting information from regional states and municipality transport bureaus.

Vehicles whose information is not included in the list sent from transport bureaus will not be eligible, according to Abdulber Shemsu, deputy director of the Roads Fund.

The Addis Abeba Transport Bureau dispatches public transport vehicles in the capital, including those with regional license plates. However, city officials say the regional transport bureaus which issued license plates to the vehicle owners are responsible for registering them, although the vehicles have been operating in the capital. Coloured white, the “Code-3″ minibus taxis provide public transportation services alongside 10,000 vehicles in the capital. Their owners face hurdles in knowing which government office to register them for continued subsidies.

“The law doesn’t allow us to register these vehicles,” said Dawit Yeshitela, head of the Transport Bureau.

The conundrum faced by white minibus taxis tells of ill-preparedness for the impending subsidy removal. It revealed how little organised the authorities are to end the fuel subsidies, says Berhanu Zeleke (PhD), lecturer of transport management at Kotebe Metropolitan University.

“Authorities responsible for issuing license plates and dispatches should identify the issue well before the deadline approaches,” he said.

Transport authorities have thus far identified a quarter of a million vehicles providing public transport services in the country. The blue-and-white taxi associations have their members registered with the city’s Transport Bureau, Zerihun Berhane, head of one of the associations, told Fortune.

“This doesn’t include the white minibuses,” he said.

An owner of a Code-3 minibus, who is not a member of a taxi association, has been providing transport services in Addis Abeba after receiving a dispatch order from the city’s Transport Bureau. Although he lives in the Betel area of the Kolfe Qeraniyo District, he received his license plate from the transport authorities in the Oromia Regional State. He makes 700 Br a day from his work.

“I’ve no idea where I can register to continue receiving fuel subsidies,” he told Fortune.

The Oromia Transport Bureau has thus far registered 71,000 public transport vehicles.

“We submitted the list to federal agencies and Ethio telecom,” said Getachew Abebe, director of transport supply of the Oromia Transport Bureau.

Transport vehicle owners and drivers will use Ethio telecom’s Telebirr mobile money platform to pay for fuel once the subsidy lift-off begins. A pilot programme to integrate vehicles’ owners with Telebirr started in Addis Abeba last month. Getachew says the government office dispatched the taxis is responsible for registering them. The white minibus taxis are required to have membership in a taxi association registered in Oromia for registration with his office.

“The agency that dispatches them must submit their list for us to see their cases,” Getachew told Fortune.

Close to 1,500 vehicles provide public transport services in the Oromia Special Zone around the capital.

Two weeks ago, the minibus owners went to the Ethio telecom customer service centre at the main Post Office on Churchill Road and opened accounts. Vehicle owners with title deeds and identification cards can open accounts with Telebirr, according to Mesay Wubishet, head of communications.

“We notify the authorities after opening accounts,” said Mesay.

The white minibus taxis pictured above differ from their blue-and-white counterparts in that they have “Code-3” license plates. Their owners are struggling to register for eligibility to continue receiving fuel subsidies as various government offices claim the mandate does not lie with them.

Corporation Eyes Another Development Project in Capital

Lensa Mekonnen, head of the Land Bank & Development Corporation, strives to overhaul unutilised land under federal agencies in Addis Abeba through a programme dubbed “Revamping Sheger.”

Officials of the Corporation, which was established in 2018 with five billion Birr in capital, estimate 755hct of underdeveloped and undeveloped land are available for the implementation of the project. Many of the 300 federal agencies and state-owned enterprises are based in the capital.

The Corporation has thus far audited 3,700hct of land under federal agencies, including the Civil Aviation Authority and Ghion Hotels Enterprise.

Under the leadership of Lensa, the Corporation called for an expression of interest from architects for the proposed programme nine months ago. Nearly a dozen responded, and two firms have reached the final stage to submit a conceptual design for developments in 140 sites, divided into five hubs.

Lensa served as the chief executive officer of the Ethiopian Tourism Organisation before her appointment to head the Corporation in 2018.

The concept designs developed by the two companies were on display at Addis Hall last month. Officials say the exhibit was meant to collect feedback from the capital’s residents, which will be used as input during the evaluation stage. A jury comprising experts from the Corporation, university lecturers, and independent professionals will make the final decision.

“The winning concept design will be selected within a month,” said Lensa.

Incorporated in 2007 with an initial capital of 20,000 Br, Benyam Ali Architects is one of the firms that submitted a concept design for plots categorised under four hubs.

Its design for the area around Addis Abeba Stadium, designated by the Corporation as one of the five hubs that stretch from Ghion Hotel to Mexico Square, includes an outdoor running track. The design for the second hub stretching from Sidist Kilo to Entoto Polytechnic College proposes the construction of an innovation district.

“The concept designs were prepared based on the potentials of the areas,” said Benyam Ali, general manager of the company.

Fekreselam Gebrewhad, lecturer of urban design and development at Kotebe Metropolitian University, applauds the efforts to consider the characteristics of the areas under question in the design, but cautions the work should align with the city’s master plan.

Incorporated three years ago, The Dream Factory Plc is the other firm in the running. It has submitted concept designs for plots categorised under three hubs.

The company envisions converting the area around Addis Abeba Stadium into a convention center.

“Our concept designs focus on the promotion of conference tourism,” said Sherbano Mazhar, team leader at the company.

The company dedicated 11 experts to the project, of which three are team leaders.

Lensa says the firm with the winning design will be involved in the development of the projects from design to supervision. However, the Corporation has yet to come up with a concrete execution plan for development..

“We haven’t decided on a method,” said the CEO.

The Corporation envisions another property development initiative to be executed on close to 100hct of under-utilised land under federal institutions. Four month ago, it invited prospective international developers to submit offers for the construction of 15,000 housing units, three convention centers, and two horse racing venues on 70 plots located in prime locations in the capital.

Lensa and her officials are looking for developers who have been in business for at least 10 years and with experience managing projects above 350 million dollars in value. The Corporation expects developers to bring external financing with no government guarantee requirements.

Six international firms have shown interest, according to the CEO.

Fekreselam cautions that carrying out these programmes is a much more complex task than it looks.

“The execution of plans like these implemented at such a large scale needs the approval of all the federal agencies and the office in charge of the city’s master plan,” he said.

When Corruption Meets Instability, the Fight Needs to be Holistic

The effects of corruption, likely to be fuelled by the country’s prevailing political and economic instability, on good governance and development are of concern to many. It is worrying because it can erode public trust in leaders, government, and public institutions, and harm the social contract.

Corruption in Ethiopia has not always received the attention it deserves. There was this belief that it was not as severe as in other African and low-income countries. It was also believed that corruption at home was comparatively controlled. Indeed, when international observers applied a direct cross-country comparison, Ethiopia tended to do well.

Whatever corruption existed, it was mostly relegated to petty crime often perpetrated by lower-ranking officials and employees. This missed the point. The absence of widespread grand looting usually associated with high-ranking government officials does not mean it was less corrosive. Petty corruption affects society at the most basic level, impeding citizens’ access to essential services.

Later, there was even a change in the perception of grand corruption prevalence. Cases of grand larceny have been exposed since the implementation of the Growth & Transformation Plans (GTPs), development policies of the last decade that introduced mega infrastructure and economic development projects but proceeded without adequate oversight.

Corruption has now been called out, not least by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD), as a serious challenge the government faces. Religious leaders, auditors, judges, prosecutors, public defenders, court officials, and lawyers who are otherwise trusted in society are now suspects. Addressing the issue is therefore considered a precondition for the success of governance reform in the country.

Against this background, the present political and economic instability rubs salt into the wounds. In particular, the humanitarian situation arising from the war in the north, displacements accompanying communal violence, weather-induced drought, and raging inflation have all rendered life untenable.

Inflation is an unrelenting trend in the economy that eats up the purchasing power of the Birr, and disadvantages the fixed income group in society. In connection with this, the case of civil servants is of particular interest. Civil servants are bearing the brunt of the problem. Due to that, they are more likely to resort to corrupt practices to make up for the erosion of their real income. This may compound dissatisfaction in the civil service, which is already marred by inefficiency in service delivery. Given that state institutions are fundamental drivers of economic growth, and a high proportion of national income is spent through the state, it can also be detrimental to development.

This will be so despite over a decade of civil service reform experience that emphasised ‘results’ or ‘performance’ to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of public services and performance appraisal mechanisms for its civil servants. The move to assess outcomes and impacts through a well-designed system of ‘performance management’ may not cope with the scale of the problem.

Experiences in various countries demonstrate that the inherent individualistic aspects of public management-related performance do not suit the context of countries with a collective culture such as ours. Likewise, piecemeal arrangements like the asset disclosure and electronic registration and tracking introduced by the federal corruption watchdog or the electronic tax payment mechanism recently launched by the Ministry of Revenues cannot work alone. Nor will simple persuasion cut it. That is because anticorruption awareness-raising efforts may be backfiring; instead of encouraging citizens to resist corruption, they may be nudging them to “go with the corrupt grain” due to improper messaging.

Corruption is described as an insidious plague that has a wide range of corrosive effects on society. It undermines democracy and the rule of law, leads to human rights violations, distorts markets, erodes the quality of life and encourages organised crime, terrorism and other threats to human security. A surge in corruption not only stands in the way of upholding the public interest but also undermines political and economic developments.

The fight against corruption is hence not only a moral and scholastic awakening but also a political and economic imperative whose significance is undoubtedly immense.

Ultimately, there is no way around fighting against corruption.

The approach would have to be holistic and constantly revised in the face of shifting economic and political circumstances.

Public service is regarded as the nerve centre of the machinery of government. An effective public sector is capable of spearheading socio-economic development and reducing poverty. Because civil servants are poorly paid, they may be particularly prone to taking bribes. Sometimes, the extra income can mean the difference between being able to feed one’s family or not.

Engaging in bribery, in other words, may be a survival strategy. This gets more pronounced in turbulent times such as now, where prices have skyrocketed but incomes are stagnant. In these cases, improving wages, working conditions and merit-based promotions may eliminate the need to engage in corruption.

The adequacy and effectiveness of this measure should be compared with the direct provision of some essential items like edible oil and sugar at a subsidised price that the government has so far attempted. For one, inflation is an overall increase in the price level of most goods and services, not just in one or a few.

As policymakers continue to fight to dampen the inflationary fire, and with the prospect that such efforts will be intensified, macroeconomic stability should also help. But that is only one piece. The complete set of measures would also have to include a coordinated and novel shift in governance. There is also a pressing and recognised need to address how our ideas about service, wealth and ethics are changing.

As Risk Evolves, Finance Sector Left in the Dust

Regardless of the outcome to any nation, they cannot be thinking of risk and finance the same way following the global financial crisis. Directly or indirectly, all countries have been affected. Ever since the global financial crisis, companies worldwide have changed their focus on risk management. This process has been accelerated by COVID-19, war and geopolitical events. Today, what was once a concern primarily of senior executives in the financial services sector has now become a top-management priority in nearly every industry.

Financial leaders, governors and CEOs are devoting much of their time and resources to financial management. Their focus is on the risk-managing function of the formal financial system that reallocates resources from savers to investors; monitors corporate control; facilitates trading, hedging, and diversifying; and balances financial development against stability.

Regulators’ and policymakers’ priorities are also changing. Financial risk is becoming a new phenomenon that the dynamics continue to evolve. No one expert can teach us how to control financial risks using past models as they have been challenged globally and a new approach is needed to improve the financial infrastructure to heighten confidence in financial institutions.

To build a data collection framework for better monitoring, and devise financial tools suited to help role makers address risk, management knowledge is crucial, without which no institute can absorb the type of shocks we are observing now. In our case, all macro and micro variables aggravate financial institutions’ liquidity risk. It has become challenging to mitigate inflation and the impact of risk associated with it.

Unless effectively regulated and controlled using the models, financial shocks will not only affect the institution but also transform the risk from one organisation into a systemic risk. We also need to assess existing polices, overall risk and challenges to adopt new policies that will foster financial stability through macro policy, select the right indicators of systemic risk, focus on crisis preparedness, and reduce regulatory uncertainty.

There should be a conscious approach and a wide-ranging package of financial risk management. Prudent financial inclusion, for instance, can enhance financial stability, but stability can be endangered when inclusion is uncontrolled. In our case, regulation is there but challenges and financial infrastructural problems are detrimental, a problem that will continue to persist until the latter meets the former.

Financial risk management is essential in today’s volatile economy. There must be readiness to mitigate challenges in the financial system, the market, liquidity, operational and legal risks. The same goes for stress testing whether the system is permeable to poor execution, flaws and monitoring. To do as such, there should be an extensive knowledge and global understanding of rampant financial risks, to which we are not an exception.

Regulators, policymakers and experts in the area should pursue a highly technical approach to financial risk management, especially for a financial sector which involves complex financial models. Sooner or later, Ethiopia will open its financial sector to foreign investors. Local bankers and insurers will be significantly challenged by the most extraordinary financial risk models augmented with advanced bank products and insurance policies. To compete and remain ahead, they need to troubleshoot existing problems and organisational culture.

We need a new approach. We should stop thinking of financial risk management as primarily a regulatory issue and re-conceive financial risk management as a value-creating activity that is an essential component of the strategic debate inside a company. The goal of that discussion should not be to eliminate financial risk but to use it to create a competitive advantage. Doing that effectively depends upon a far more dynamic interaction between and among all stakeholders of financial risk management experts and the financial institutions across the country.