Fortress Europe's African Victims

Fortress Europe's African Victims

Jul 19 , 2025. By Adekeye Adebajo ( Adekeye Adebajo, a professor and a senior research fellow at the University of Pretoria's Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship in South Africa, served on UN missions in South Africa, Western Sahara, and Iraq. He is the author of "Global Africa: Profiles in Courage, Creativity and Cruelty" and "The Eagle & The Springbok: Essays on Nigeria and South Africa". )

Europeans may be horrified by US President Donald Trump's draconian immigration policies, which include snatching people off the streets and deporting them without due process.

But the European Union's (EU) decade-long crackdown on irregular African migrants who, fleeing conflict, climate disasters, and poverty, attempt to reach Europe by sea in flimsy boats is equally appalling. Worse, the European Commission seeks to double down on this approach: a leaked proposal for the next long-term budget cycle calls for conditioning development aid for African countries on meeting migration-reduction targets.

Africans comprise a fairly large share of the EU's irregular migrants, with West and Central African countries accounting for around one-third of those arriving in the first half of 2024. At least 11 million African-born migrants reside in Europe, more than double the number living in Asia and North America, where they boost the labour force and ease the economic pressures caused by a rapidly aging local population.

But many Europeans treat irregular migrants as a security threat, criminalising their entry and scapegoating them for broader societal problems. After millions of Syrian, Afghan, and Iraqi refugees fled to the bloc in 2015-16, the EU began strengthening "Fortress Europe." Some countries, including Greece, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia, have built external border fences, while others, such as Germany and the Netherlands, have reintroduced border controls.

The resulting partnerships with Ethiopia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and Senegal subordinated development aid to migration goals.

Efforts to secure the bloc have included violent pushbacks against refugees and migrants at external borders, a violation of international human-rights law, and partnerships with third countries to curb flows. According to Amnesty International, the EU's externalisation policy, coupled with Italy and Malta's hostility to rescue ships, was responsible for 721 migrant deaths in the Mediterranean between June and July 2018. More recently, several European rescue organisations blamed the deaths of 3,000 people in the Mediterranean in 2023 partly on an EU decree enacted that year that severely restricted their response capacity.

There is a stark divide between how European and African governments view this issue. From Sweden and Poland to Italy and Germany, far-right populist parties have surged in popularity by stoking anti-immigrant sentiment, which has pushed many mainstream European politicians to embrace xenophobic policies.

By contrast, African governments largely oppose the EU's forced return of migrants, for both humanitarian and economic reasons. African migrants are a vital source of remittances, sending back 100 billion dollars in 2022, more than the continent received in official development assistance and foreign direct investment combined. These governments are also quick to note that they bear the brunt of African migration. Of the more than 45 million people forcibly displaced in Africa last year, 34.5 million remained within their own countries.

Of course, this does not absolve African governments of responsibility for their actions: poor governance, political exclusion, and development failures have contributed to the migration surge. The lack of economic opportunities, in particular, has forced many young Africans - the continent has the world's youngest population, with 70pc in sub-Saharan Africa under the age of 30 – to flee to wealthier countries.

But, instead of using its economic might to bolster growth and support job creation in Africa, the EU poured 585 million dollars into its 2016 Migration Partnership Framework, a new way of engaging with source countries to reduce migration. The resulting partnerships with Ethiopia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and Senegal subordinated development aid to migration goals. This heavy-handed approach, particularly the EU's obsession with negotiating the forced return of African migrants and pushing its own interests, failed to stem the flow of people, alienated African governments, and undermined the bloc's human-rights and development principles. Now, the Commission has its sights on hardening this negative-incentive structure and applying it more widely.

To be sure, overall migrant arrivals in the EU declined by about 20pc in the first five months of 2025. But this decline came after years of human-rights abuses by the EU's third-country partners, which were effectively bribed to slow the movement of people. In 2024, the European Court of Auditors criticised the bloc's five billion euro Emergency Trust Fund for Africa for failing to address the human-rights risks involved in subcontracting migration policy to autocratic regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. That same year, more than 2,000 African migrants died while trying to reach Europe.

The behaviour of these regimes is reprehensible. The Libyan coast guard has subjected African migrants to "unimaginable horrors" like sexual violence, torture, arbitrary detention, beatings, and enslavement. Tunisia's security forces have raped women, beaten children, dumped others in the desert, and reportedly colluded with smugglers. Last year, a leaked internal report from the European External Action Service warned that continued support for Tunisia, which has cracked down hard on dissent, would damage the EU's reputation.

The cruelty on display within the bloc is no less shocking. Frontex, the EU's border control agency, was reportedly involved in covering up hundreds of illegal pushbacks in the Aegean Sea. Polish border guards forced migrants back into Belarus, where they were beaten and raped. Last year, three Egyptian teenagers froze to death after Bulgarian officers reportedly obstructed their rescue near the Turkish border. Many Sudanese asylum seekers continue to be held illegally in Greek prisons.

The EU's current approach is ineffective and inhumane; its proposal to use foreign aid as a stick is even more so.

To address the source of African migration, European policymakers should understand why young people embark on this perilous journey. A 2019 report by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), based on interviews with 1,970 African migrants from 39 countries, conducted across 13 EU member states, found that they were typically educated above the average levels in their home countries and had held steady jobs there. But only 38pc said they had earned enough "to get by." Unable to fulfil their ambitions in Africa, and with many facing war and repression, these young people looked to Europe for opportunity and safety.

Reducing migration from Africa requires contributing generously to its development, not funding third countries, many of them ruled by repressive regimes, to harden borders by any means. The EU has cynically chosen the latter approach, eroding its moral standing. If the bloc wants to portray itself as a global force for good following America's retreat from the world stage, it should pursue migration policies that reflect our shared humanity, rather than self-interest.

PUBLISHED ON Jul 19,2025 [ VOL 26 , NO 1316]