They Call Her "Family". But They Pay Her in Silence

They Call Her "Family". But They Pay Her in Silence

Apr 20 , 2025. By Ahmed T. Abdulkadir ( Ahmed T. Abdulkadir (ahmedteyib.abdulkadir@addisfortune.net)  is OpEd Editor at Addis Fortune. )

Before dawn breaks, they are at work. They stoke charcoal fires before the call to prayer, setting meals in motion so the rest of the household can wake to warm food. By the time school bags are packed and the gates open, many domestic workers have already logged half a shift, though no one offers them overtime.

These are the nannies, maids, and guards who power the country’s middle and upper classes. Sadly, their labour often goes unseen. They move between apartment complexes and gated homes, called “helpers” or “nieces,” even though they are really employees. “She’s part of the family,” some people say, and that phrase tends to erase fair compensation and justify round-the-clock demands.

Domestic labour is the backbone of urban life in Ethiopia. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), over 1.2 million domestic workers keep homes running, and 90pc are women. The majority earn less than 3,000 Br a month, and nearly all are underpaid. Holidays make the exploitation worse, as the kitchen becomes a sweatshop. Live-in maids often rise at 4:00am and collapse well after midnight, serving guests who might offer kind words but rarely a bonus.

If they protest, they risk being labelled “ungrateful.”

On paper, many of these workers barely exist. The labour law excludes them from the standard protections covering employees in other industries. There is no national minimum wage for household workers, no guaranteed sick leave, and no formal recourse to report abuse. The federal government has signed ILO Convention 189, which is supposed to guarantee domestic workers’ rights. But ratification, without real enforcement, is often seen as an empty gesture.

In many homes, firing the maid would force someone else, typically the woman of the house, to leave her own job, so the invisible worker stays. She is treated like a family member only until the conversation turns to compensation. People commonly say “our girl” instead of “our employee,” which makes it easy to avoid formally registering the arrangement.

Placement agencies and intermediaries have capitalised on these gaps. Some charge newcomers up to three months of wages for a job referral. Others falsify ages and backgrounds so they can place younger girls in positions that pay next to nothing. When abuse happens, these agencies often vanish. Local police frequently side with employers or agencies, leaving workers little money, few connections, and no documents to defend themselves.

The numbers from human-rights studies tell a grim story.

One in five child domestic workers has experienced physical abuse by an employer. Lifetime exposure to sexual violence is around 46pc. Many are paid only in old clothes. A report by the Freedom Fund found that nearly half of these workers are not paid at all. If they push back or resist, they risk punishment, dismissal, or even being locked indoors. IDs are frequently seized, leaving them with no way out.

For many of these young workers, staying back in the villages they came from is not a viable option. Most are rural migrants, school dropouts, or orphans who are told from a young age that household work is their destiny. Employers often brand them as “lazy” if they dare speak up. Few consider domestic workers professionals with rights, and those who do find it difficult to break the cultural norms that keep them invisible.

Conditions can get even worse abroad.

In Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Lebanon, Ethiopian maids can face 70-hour workweeks with no rest days. Some never come back. Their deaths are sometimes explained away as “accidents” or suicides, yet accounts of mysterious falls from buildings and other tragedies are telltale signs that the risks of going overseas can be fatal.

Economically, this underground system has a ripple effect. Employers who pay in cash avoid taxes, reinforcing an already extensive informal economy. Overworked domestic workers frequently cycle through jobs, undermining household stability. By confining women and girls to perpetual poverty, the system sets up the next generation to repeat the same fate.

Efforts to fix the problem could begin with legal recognition. Amending the labour code to include domestic workers, as Rwanda and Kenya have done, would be a critical first step. A national minimum wage, starting with high-risk sectors such as household services, would help. Banning domestic labour for anyone under 18 could protect the most vulnerable.

Enforcement mechanisms are also essential. A confidential hotline, staffed by people prepared to address exploitation, could offer a lifeline. Randomised checks on working conditions might deter abusive employers. Tax incentives for households that sign legally binding contracts could provide an encouraging nudge toward compliance. Whether through radio or TikTok, messaging campaigns can spread the word. Pay your workers what they deserve and treat them as professionals.

Ethiopia’s international commitments should have teeth. The same principle can be applied to the domestic sphere if the country demands ethical standards in its export factories. International donors might fund oversight efforts, tying financial assistance to tangible improvements in labour conditions. For inspiration, Ethiopia can look to its other sectors, such as coffee exports. If quality can be monitored and certified there, dignity can be measured and enforced here.

Real change means providing alternatives to domestic labour. Keeping rural girls in school, offering vocational training for teenagers, and investing in local jobs could prevent them from having to choose servitude over starvation. In a society so dependent on their labour, it is time to bring these invisible workers into the light and grant them the protection and respect they deserve.

PUBLISHED ON Apr 20, 2025 [ VOL 26 , NO 1303]

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