Wegagen Bank’s Profit, Earnings Per Share Shrink

Wegagen Bank, which joined the list of the top three most profitable banks two years ago, reported a less than stellar performance in the last financial year.

Profits for the 23-year-old Bank slumped by 19pc to 625.7 million Br, leading its earnings per share (EPS) to plummet by 109 Br to 256 Br. In terms of EPS, Wegagen is one of the worst performers in the industry this past year.

The decline in EPS is a result of the decline in profit after tax coupled with capital expansion, according to Abdulmenan Mohammed, a financial statement analyst with close to two decades of experience.

Wegagen increased its paid-up capital by nine percent to 2.5 billion Br.

The previous year, the company amassed a huge profit due to 107 million Br in capital gains from the sale of its investment in Raya Brewery, according to Kindie Abebe, vice president of the Bank in charge of Corporate Services.

“Such gains didn’t exist last year,” Kindie said. “The Bank wasn’t also able to mobilise deposits as it expected, and as a result, it couldn’t give loans as planned.”

In the year Wegagen’s performance related to financial intermediation was solid. Interest income on loans and advances, treasury bills, NBE bonds and other deposits rose by 19pc to 2.5 billion Br.

“Despite the very challenging operating environment,” remarked Mengisteab G. Kindan, board chairperson of the Bank, “the Bank continued to be profitable despite the registered growth in key indicators.”

Double-digit inflation, poor export performance, unrest in some parts of the country, debt stress and the forex crunch were mentioned by the chairperson.

The main culprit for a reduction in profit is a considerable decline in commission fees and foreign exchange dealings income.

Non-interest earning activities – such as gains from foreign exchange, service charges and commissions – fell by 23pc to 652.1 million Br, undermining Wegagen’s profit.

Wegagen should investigate the causes of the reduction and come up with a strategy to improve its performance in these areas, says Abdulmenan.

The total expenses of Wegagen expanded. Interest paid to savings soared by 37pc to one billion Birr due to expanding deposits. Salaries and benefits increased by 17pc to 794.2 million Br, and general administration expenses went up by 10pc to 569.5 million Br.

Salary raises for employees due to inflation and new staff recruitment to cope with branch openings combined to lift expenses, according to Kindie.

In the reporting year, Wegagen maintained a provision for the impairment of loans and other assets to 83.2 million Br, a decrease of six percent.

The level of provision for doubtful debts of Wegagen is reasonable, according to Abdulmenan.

Wegagen, which operates 339 branches, increased its total assets at a rate well below the industry average. Its total assets increased by only nine percent to 29.8 billion Br due to lower lending activities.

It disbursed loans and advances of 16.1 billion Br, an increase of nine percent, and mobilised deposits of 23.6 billion Br, an increase of 15pc. The Bank reported the lowest loan growth rate in the industry, as its lending activities were constrained by lower deposit growth.

The low loan disbursement to priority sectors not only made an impact on interest income but also the export business and the income from foreign currency, according to Kindie.

“The management needs to look into its deposit mobilisation strategies and lending operation,” remarked the expert.

Wegagen’s asset base expanded mainly in the form of cash, loans, investments in bonds and equity securities, and fixed assets financed from deposits and capital, according to the vice president.

“In addition to the paid-up capital, the Bank was able to accumulate 1.8 billion Br in the form of various reserves to enable the Bank to absorb potential risks,” said Kindie.

The Bank used the three billion Birr it mobilised from new deposits for lending and the purchase of government bonds from the National Bank of Ethiopia. Fifteen percent of it was held as a liquidity requirement.

During the fiscal year, the loan-to-deposit ratio of Wegagen went down to 68pc from to 73.7pc.

Despite the reduction in the loan-to-deposit ratio, the figure is reasonable, according to Abdulmenan.

The investments in NBE bonds increased by seven percent to 6.9 billion Br. These investments account for 23pc of the Bank’s total assets and 29pc of its total deposits.

The liquidity position of Wegagen improved slightly in value terms but declined by a small amount in relative terms. Its cash and bank balances increased by five percent to 4.2 billion Br.

The ratio of liquid assets to total assets decreased from 14.8pc to 14pc, and the ratio of liquid assets to total liabilities decreased from 17.2pc to 16.3pc.

“The liquidity level of Wegagen is reasonable,” says Abdulmenan.

“Due to this proper fund management,” said the vice president, “we didn’t face a liquidity problem during the year.”

Wegagen’s capital adequacy ratio (CAR) increased from 23.5pc to 24.2pc. Abdulmenan says this figure indicates that Wegagen is a well-capitalized bank.

The shareholders also agreed to bump the capital of the company up to six billion Birr over the next five years. The Bank is also constructing its own buildings in the city centre.

Court Sends Trademark Battle to Administrative Ruling

The Federal Supreme Court remanded the trade name battle between a leading coffee exporter and an oil importer to the Ministry of Trade & Industry for an administrative verdict.

Mullege Plc, the leading coffee exporter, has been in a court battle with Muleg Oil Importer for the past two years over their trade names, which are pronounced almost the same way. The Federal High Court ruled both can use their name, which led the case to reach the Supreme Court.

The appellate court, which presided over the case for almost a year, sent the case back to the Ministry, reversing the High Court’s ruling.

The case began when Mullege appealed to the Ministry, alleging that Muleg Oil Importer had altered its trade name to be similar to Mullege. After reviewing the claim, the Ministry gave an administrative decision in revoking the name of Muleg Oil Importer on March 23, 2018.

The Ministry reasoned that Mullege had established and registered its trade name before the importer in 2003.

In response, Muleg, the six-year-old oil importer, took the case to Federal High Court on March 30, 2018, requesting a reversal of the ruling. On its claim, the oil importer stated that the two companies are different business entities, and the Ministry provided them with a license after checking that their trade name did not overlap.

In its defence, Mullege claimed that since it obtained the license as a general importer, it might also involve itself in the oil-importing business. Mullege’s lawyer also argued that the names of the two companies are identical in the Amharic language, sharing the same three letters and sound.

The Ministry, which was a co-defendant, stated that Mullege Plc could engage in the petroleum import business and requested that the Court reject the appeal of the oil importer.

After reviewing the case, the High Court reversed the ruling of the Ministry on April 14, 2019, ordering that both companies could keep their trade names.

Though their name seems identical, Muleg has registered its trade name as a petroleum and related products importer. In contrast, Mullege registered its trade name as a general importer and exporter company, reads the High Court’s ruling.

Opposing the lower court’s ruling, Mullege Plc and the Ministry took the case to the Supreme Court by appealing that the lower court had made an error of law in passing the verdict. The duo requested that the Supreme Court reverse the ruling of the High Court, stating that it gave the judgement without considering whether the names of the two companies sounded the same.

The appeal also reads that Mullege Plc has presented documentary evidence to the High Court showing that the two companies engage in similar businesses; however, the Court passed its ruling without looking into them.

After examining the case, the Supreme Court – presided over by justices Reta Tolossa, Endashaw Adane and Abeba Embibel – passed the ruling on January 30, 2020, remanding the case back to the Trade Ministry, reversing the decision given by the High Court.

The Supreme Court ordered that the Ministry make its decision based on whether the two companies are engaged in the same business or not.

“We agree with the decision of the Supreme Court,” said Tsedale Mekuria, lawyer of Mullege Plc. “But, rather than referring the case back to the Ministry,  the [C]ourt can sustain the Ministry’s decision since it already passed a ruling on the case two years back.”

Elsa Seyoum, the legal representative of the Ministry, and managers of Muleg declined to comment on the issue.

Authority Pushes Four Road Projects Forward

Three local and one Chinese company won contracts for the construction of four road projects with a length of 169Km, worth 4.8 billion Br.

Ethiopian Roads Authority (ERA) awarded the contractors on February 20, 2020, in a ceremony held at its premises. The total cost of the projects will be covered by the government. The projects are Qoshe-Mito-Worabe, Gambella-Abobo-Dima lot two, Gishen Spur and Gonji-Kolela, which will require 18 to 36 months to complete.

The first road, Qoshe-Mito-Werabe has a length of 72.9Km with a width of 10m in rural areas, 21m in weredas and 22.5m in zonal districts. It will also have small and large sewage pipes and culverts. YENCOMAD Construction, which constructed the 64.5Km Modjo to Arerti road, among other projects, was contracted for the project for 1.8 billion Br. It is expected to complete the road within 36 months.

The second phase of Gambella-Abobo-Dima lot two road project has a total length of 72Km with a width of 10m in rural, 21m in woredas and 22.5m in zonal districts. China Railway Seventh Group is awarded to the project for 1.3 billion Br and is expected to deliver it in three years.

The Gishen Spur road includes 14Km of the main road, 1.6Km of connecting roads and 1.8Km of spur roads, as well as four parking lots, which have an area of 131,000Sqm. The road has a width of 12.5m to 18m including parking spaces and pavements. Ethiopian Construction Works Corporation, a local state-owned contractor, has won the bid for 1.3 billion Br. The project will take two and a half years to complete.

The Gonji-Kolela road has a total length of 10.7Km with a width of 10m in rural parts and 21.5m in woredas. The road will have small and large sewage pipes and culverts. Amhara Road Works Enterprise has won the project at a cost of 333 million Br and is expected to complete the road in 18 months.

During the agreement, Habtamu Tegegne, director-general of the Authority stated that the signing of the contracts is only the first chapter and there are a lot of things the contractors need to do in order to deliver the projects with the proper quality and on time.

“It is just the start for the ending,” he said. “The project opening is not an outcome.”

The Authority, which has completed 40 projects in the last two years, is currently administrating 153 projects with a total cost of 190 billion Br.

Fikadu Gurmessa (PhD), a transport geography lecturer at Addis Abeba University for more than a decade, believes that new roads are being constructed based on principle, to fulfill the obvious and latent needs of the country.

When roads are constructed there should be a clear justification as to why, by whom and how they are built, says Fikadu.

“Awarding these projects to local contractors is a good measure,” said Fikadu cautioning the government to have a strong follow-up and inspection plan on such investments since the sector is exposed to corruption. “every activity on road projects should be directed through a master plan,” she says.

Dashen Avails 5b Br for Medium Enterprises

As part of the government’s new job creation and unemployment reduction initiatives, Dashen Bank availed five billion Birr worth of loans for medium-size enterprises.

To secure the loan, the beneficiaries are supposed to raise half of the project cost and request a loan to secure the remaining funds from Dashen. If not, they have to provide the Bank with collateral, such as the title deed of a property.

Dashen, one of the leading private banks, has already started providing the loans and close to 6,000 youth are registered under the enterprise so far.

Genuine and sound business ideas will get the funds, according to Yihnalem Aknaw, chief transformation and customer experience officer at Dashen, which had a loan-to-deposit ratio of 70pc during the first half of this fiscal year.

“The interest rate of the loan will depend on the type of investment,” he said. “The business cycle and investment type will also be the basis to decide on how the loan will be repaid.”

The size of the loans that the beneficiaries take will depend on the type of business scheme, and the Bank expects to provide the loans this fiscal year.

The youth find it difficult to get loans, not because the interest rates are high, but because they do not fulfill the policy requirements to get credit, according to Yihnalem.

In this fiscal year, the administration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD) launched an initiative to create three million jobs within the current fiscal year. In the first half of this fiscal year, the government was able to create 1.2 million jobs.

A few months ago, the Bank also launched a new 100-million-Br initiative that will support the government’s ongoing job creation activity. Known as the Ethiopian Talent Power Series, the programme provides training and financial assistance to 1,000 entrepreneurs in five cities: Addis Abeba, Adama, Bahir Dar, Meqelle, Dire Dawa and Hawassa.

Out of the total, 25pc to 30pc of the funds will be lent to the manufacturing sector, while the share dedicated to small and micro enterprises is less than one per cent.

A total of 110,253 new micro and small-scale enterprises (MSEs) were established during the last fiscal year. These enterprises employed about 882,000 people and received more than 7.3 billion Br in loans for their operations.

Alemayehu Geda (PhD), a macroeconomist and lecturer at Addis Abeba University, believes that the Bank has started a good initiative for creating jobs but will not solve the problem fundamentally.

Both the state and private commercial banks, as well as the Development Bank of Ethiopia (DBE), disbursed 164.5 billion Br in loans and advances in the last fiscal year. The rate is 42.5pc higher than the preceding year. Of the total loans, about 60.8pc was provided by private banks and 39.2pc by the two state-owned banks.

Dashen, which made a gross profit of 1.3 billion Br in the last fiscal year, opened 40 new branches across the country, bringing the total number of branches to 413 as of June 2019. At the end of this past fiscal year, the Bank’s total assets reached 56.2 billion Br, while its total capital soared to 6.8 billion Br and paid-up capital reached 2.7 billion Br.

Founded by eleven shareholders with an initial capital of 14.9 million Br in September 1995, Dashen Bank first opened its doors in January 1996 with 11 branches.

Nyala Maintains Leading Position in Insurance Industry

Nyala Insurance’s profit grew by 20pc last fiscal year, maintaining its leading position in the industry though its earnings per share (EPS) slipped slightly.

In the last fiscal year, Nyala’s net profit reached 169.5 million Br, while the company’s EPS fell by 48 Br to 448 Br.

The EPS decline is attributed to a large increase in paid-up capital. Nyala’s paid-up capital surged by 22pc to 416.5 million Br.

Yared Molla, CEO of Nyala, argues that EPS alone cannot be a measurement for the performance of a company.

“A company with a short-term success intention can easily increase its EPS,” said Yared, “but it’s also important to look at the healthiness of its balance sheet, particularly its liability.”

Working on technical underwriting that led to the decline of net claims and proceeds from last year’s mega risk underwriting helped the company to achieve positive performance, according to Yared.

The substantial contributors to its underwriting surplus were motor, marine, engineering and bond classes of business.

The increase in profit after tax was achieved due to a mixture of several factors including stagnant claims, a decline of the premium ceded and a surge in interest and dividend income.

During the reporting period, the company’s gross written premium declined by 36pc to 491.6 million Br.

The reduction of the gross written premium is a terrible fall that requires the attention of the management, according to Abdulmenan Mohammed, a financial analyst with close to two decades of experience.

Yared says that the gross written premium plummeted due to well-intended pursuits.

“Gross written premium is simply public money temporarily kept under custody until a claim is paid,” says Yared.

When the premium an insurer charges is not commensurate with the risk it undertakes, the claim ratio becomes too high, according to him.

“Thus, it’s not advisable to increase a gross written premium,” Yared said, who decided not to pass a gross premium limit of half a billion Birr.

Yared explained that in the current market the industry is characterised by price undercutting, and therefore writing more premium means bleeding more.

To increase its net written premium, the firm should increase its retention rate, according to the expert.

Nyala’s premium retention rate increased by 14 percentage points to 65pc. However, the retention rate of the firm is still lower than that of many other insurance companies, which average about 77pc.

Out of the total gross written premium, 173.1 million Br was ceded to reinsurers. In response to the reduction of the gross written premium, Nyala reduced premium ceded by 62pc.

“It’s the right action to compensate for the decrease in gross written premium,” said Abdulmenan.

In spite of the reduced retention rate, the claims of Nyala remained essentially the same. Claims paid and provided for went down by one percent to 162 million Br.

In the past year, Nyala earned a commission of 52.8 million Br, a decrease of 14pc and paid commissions of 16.8 million Br to agents, an increase of one percent.

This illustrates that Nyala succeeded in bringing in more income from investment activities, mainly from shares and property rental.

Nyala managed to write several mega risk policies directly without incurring intermediary commissions, according to Yared.

Interest earned on savings and other securities slightly dropped by one percent to 82.6 million Br, and dividends earned on investments in shares soared by 149pc to 65.2 million Br. Nyala’s income from rental fees increased by 15pc to more than 11 million Br.

In the past year, Nyala transferred a net 45.8 million Br from its profit and loss account to its life fund.

Nyala’s total expenses increased by a reasonable rate, according to the expert. Salaries and benefits increased by 15pc to 87.4 million Br, and general administration expenses went up by one percent only to 50.1 million Br.

Abdulmenan appreciated that Nyala controlled expenses well, calling it a positive performance.

Yared says that the cost controlling initiatives have been effectively utilised in the two pillars of their strategy – building the business and reforming internal processes.

The total assets held by Nyala increased by eight percent to nearly 2.1 billion Br. Investments in shares, government bonds, time deposits and rental properties slightly decreased by one percent to 878.5 million Br. These investments represent 42.8pc of total assets.

This proportion is lower than the preceding year’s rate of 46.3pc.

Nyala held a huge amount of cash and cash equivalents despite the reduction in value terms. Its cash and bank balances decreased by 22pc to 259.3 million Br.

Liquidity analysis reveals that Nyala’s cash and bank balances accounted for 13pc of total assets. This level of liquidity is higher than what was held by other insurance companies.

The management of Nyala should channel the excess liquid resources into income-generating activities, according to Abdulmenan.

Nyala’s current liquidity level was kept on purpose, according to Yared, who adds that the firm has two mega projects that can consume much of its liquid resources. “We’re also waiting on the [central bank] to deregulate the extremely tight investment programme.”

Nyala’s capital and non-distributable reserves represent 32pc of its total assets.

This indicates that Nyala is a well-capitalised company, according to Abdulmenan, who recommends the management use its resources efficiently by expanding the business.

The Way with Money

There is an oxymoronic nature to the saying, “All men are born equal, but some are more equal than others.” But it fits perfectly well with the oxymoronic paradigm under which society operates.

The value assigned to members of a society is almost always based solely on factors such as wealth. The wealthy of our country seemingly get away with just about anything just because of the status attached to them based on their affluence.

Genzeb kale, be semay menged ale,” roughly translates to, “if there is money then there is a way,” an Amharic saying that perfectly fits the status afforded to money in our modern capitalistic society.

How many times have we witnessed a shopkeeper ignore the person next in line because a tinted SUV had pulled up?

Never mind that the driver ends up buying nothing more than a half a litre bottle of water while the person standing next in line is stocking up on the week’s groceries. This is an all too familiar sight in modern-day Ethiopia.

The rich even steal our water. In many condominium houses, water has become more of a luxury we cannot afford than a necessity as it is rationed by schedule. Condo houses in Bole Bulbula are no different. We have been told that the water is supposed to come three days every week, on Tuesday, Friday and Sunday, from 10pm to 4am. But when it comes, it often does for just long enough that it is possible to fill a few buckets of water before vanishing to leave a whistling sound coming from the faucets.

Around two kilometres from the middle- to lower-income housing, there are villas that make up a relatively rich neighbourhood. They have water 24-hours a day and seven days a week. Technically, both the condominiums and villas are only supposed to get water for a few days a week.

What is worse about water rationing in condominium houses is the toilets that take close to eight litres of water to flush after use. The alternative is to have the whole house stink up as a result. Flushing toilets when there is barely enough water to drink may not sound right, but there is little one can do in the face of such acrid calamity. We bought a 10lt jar of water once just to flush the toilet out of desperation.

Under normal circumstances, we would have purchased water tankers. But these have proven useless considering how there is never enough water supplied our way. There is also the problem of not having enough space for putting the water tankers. Our only alternative is to buy water in a city that technically is considered to have a universal supply of it.

In calling out these challenges, I would assume three things would happen as a result. The first option would be that some city official reads this, is outraged and manages to have the issue rectified and we get the water supply that we had been promised. It might also be the case that no one in our local government offices pays attention to this, and our problem just keeps getting worse. It is not unheard of for neighbourhoods to go without water for months at times.

The last alternative, and most likely, is that nothing changes and readers to whom this happened deeply sympathise with me, grit their teeth and sigh to remain silent once more in the hope that the state would be better equipped to fix these things.

Have we become a morally bankrupt society that we perpetually give far more attention to those who already have much more?

“Don’t be fooled into thinking that everyone wearing clothing is a person, even tables have a tablecloth,” my husband likes to say.

It is a reminder that while all of us are, in theory, equal, the reality is quite different, especially in the eyes of those that only happen to be wearing clothing.

Ethio-Djibouti Economic Corridor, Match Made in Heaven

Ethiopia and Djibouti have realised a strategic partnership in their bilateral relations manifested in the political, economic, cultural, peace and security cooperation spheres. Due to the countries’ robust bilateral cooperation, the two governments have designed a strategic cooperative framework to effectively foster sustainable development, enhance trade competitiveness and achieve regional integration in the Horn of Africa. Both have also decided to undertake diversified mega projects in parallel and with joint ownership along the Addis Abeba-Djibouti economic corridor.

Major development projects undertaken in recent years along this corridor include transportation infrastructure, industrial park developments, dry ports and multi-purpose port expansions in Djibouti, as well as power transmission and telecommunication links between the two countries.

In 2016, Ethiopia and Djibouti replaced the old diesel railway system, which ceased operating in 2011, with the construction of a jointly owned 752Km standard-gauge electrified railway project with a total investment of 4.3 billion dollars that became operational on January 1, 2018.

Nine of the industrial parks, out of over a dozen, are positioned along the Addis Abeba-Djibouti railway line, according to the Industrial Parks Development Corporation. They are designed to specialise in manufacturing textiles and garments with great potential for export diversification. Ethiopia has already developed the Bole Lemi I and II, Qilinto, Dukem, Adama and Dire Dawa industrial parks along the Addis Abeba-Djibouti economic corridor. The industrial parks in Bole Lemi, Qilinto and Adama have been fully developed with government resources.

Ethiopia has also established inland dry ports across the country. The Modjo Dry Port was the first dry port along the Addis Abeba-Djibouti corridor. It increased its capacity in 2012 to handle the multi-modal transport system. Other ongoing dry port developments along the corridor include the full-scale dry ports in Semera, Dire Dawa and Kombolcha.

Electric power, optic fiber and microwave telecommunications are other sectors of cooperation. Ethiopia’s first electric power connection to a neighboring country was completed in 2011 with the 230Kv interconnection transmission lines between Dire Dawa and Jaba in Djibouti, which secures Ethiopia dozens of millions of dollars every year. Besides this, through Djibouti Ethiopia is interconnected to submarine cables and microwave networks, which has had a direct corresponding effect on broadband uptake in the country.

There have been major port expansion projects underway in Djibouti for the last ten years with the goal of becoming the heart of shipping on the continent through foreign investment, mainly from Chinese companies.

In 2018, Djibouti inaugurated the first phase of the Djibouti International Free Trade Zone (DIFTZ), the largest in Africa, at a total project cost of 3.5 billion dollars. The DIFTZ is a joint venture between China Merchants Group and the Djibouti government. In addition, a new terminal – Doraleh Multipurpose Port (DMP) – was inaugurated in 2017 in a joint venture between the Djibouti government and China Merchants Group. Besides this, the Doraleh Container Terminal (DCT) has been transferred to CMPort with the government retaining a minority share and an oil terminal that handles petroleum products, has been redeveloped to facilitate loading for the new railway oil freight service.

Ethiopia and Djibouti have both received substantive loans and investments from China in recent decades. Ethiopia is the third-largest recipient of external financing for the infrastructure sector in sub-Saharan Africa, and China’s impact has been quite significant. In fact, Ethiopia’s diversified transport projects and industrial park development are key manifestations of China’s Africa policy.

The Addis-Djibouti railway connecting Ethiopia to the maritime trade routes of the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea are two examples of the multitude of Chinese cooperative frameworks and investments in the Horn of Africa. And China’s first overseas naval logistical base established in strategic deep water at the port of Djibouti is also linked to this.

Moreover, the Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) launched in 2013 is China’s signature vision and forges intertwining economic, political and security ties between China and the entire world, Africa included. The BRI is increasingly seen as a catalyst for African regional economic integration and competitiveness.

In 2018, China pledged to extend 60 billion dollars of new funding to Africa aimed at supporting inclusive development, and the country is now providing mechanisms for debt rescheduling and possible cancellations. As the early focus of the Belt & Road Initiative, East Africa has developed into a central node in the Maritime Silk Road, connected by planned and finished ports, pipelines, railways and power plants that Chinese companies have built through bilateral financial arrangements.

The Addis Abeba-Djibouti economic corridor development programme is a key long-term strategic cooperation framework that both countries’ governments have designed and implemented. The economies of both countries are so interdependent that any challenge that one faces is immediately replicated in the other, and in terms of development as well. The economic potential of the Addis Abeba-Djibouti economic corridor is thus immense.

One of the benefits of this is trade facilitation. The Addis Abeba-Djibouti corridor linking Ethiopia to the Port of Djibouti is currently the dominant gateway for the country, managing over 95pc of Ethiopia’s imports and exports. Undoubtedly, the Addis Abeba-Djibouti railway has the potential to significantly reduce transport costs and time. A journey that used to take traders three days has been reduced to less than one day; the cost of transporting cargo is 0.051 dollars a tonne for a kilometre. The current operation of the new railway system is expected to transport 40pc of what trucks have been transporting; a single railway freight transport has about the same capacity as 100 trucks.

The benefits also lie in export competitiveness. There is a common understanding that Ethiopia’s export sector remains particularly small. Total goods and services exports do not exceed 10pc of GDP, significantly below the 24pc expected from a country the size of Ethiopia at its level of development. However, there is enormous potential for export growth, from both adding value to existing exports and greater diversification.

The role played by the economic corridor to help Ethiopia attract foreign direct investment (FDI) is also nothing to baulk at. In recent years, the attention of many multinational companies has focused on Ethiopia, and they have rapidly boosted their investment. Ethiopia was the second largest FDI recipient in Africa, according to a report by UNCTAD and the World Bank in 2017, although recent performance has not been as promising. This is mainly due to the government’s heavy engagement in expanding the development of more new industrial parks across the country. The government’s initiative, offering serviced industrial land, pre-built sheds equipped with utilities and infrastructural facilities that fit international standards have created great potential to secure the interest of more multinational companies thinking to move to Ethiopia.

The Addis Abeba-Djibouti economic corridor, by way of the standard-gauge electrified railway, also represents a green high-capacity transport mode that is fast and convenient, land-saving, energy-saving, environmentally friendly and safe. Similarly, for industrial park development, the government of Ethiopia has invested in a state-of-the-art, zero-liquid-discharge treatment plant. Therefore, this type of green economic corridor will be complementary to the government’s green economy development strategy.

The strategic location and proximity of Djibouti to the Red Sea Coast and the international shipping lane of the Gulf of Aden and major Arabian Sea ports also gives the port a competitive edge. The multipurpose port expansion and modernisation in Djibouti has drastically increased the traffic performance of the ports for the last three years.

This success and potential does not mean that there are no challenges though. Best practices indicate that a corridor should pass through a chain of infrastructure expansion driven by the economic potential of a basic transport route. The hard infrastructure of one or more transport modes should as well be developed into a transport corridor. Then gradually, as more freight and people move along the corridor, the soft infrastructure – logistics and institutions – also need to improve to maintain efficiency and effectiveness.

The Addis Abeba-Djibouti economic corridor’s comparative advantage has yet to be fully utilised, and there is a need to redouble efforts to significantly boost the overall development of the economic corridor as the basis of economic integration between the two countries. Whatever the mode of transport system linking the two countries, the most serious impediments to the corridor’s development emanate from the existence of weak institutions associated with a lack of focus and gaps in capacity and the collaborative framework among key partners of the two countries.

Gaps in transport efficiency, a fragmented logistics supply chain, restrictive trade facilitation regimes and weak stakeholder coordination mechanisms have hampered the creation of an effective and efficient transport corridor that might eventually evolve into a successful trade and economic corridor.

Efforts made thus far by key government institutions are directed on an ad-hoc basis, and unilateral measures have been taken to address the challenges on the ground. As a result, both countries are affected by very high transaction costs resulting in their low levels of competitiveness in the local, regional and global markets.

Establishing an economic corridor demands a comprehensive strategy that aims at improving and enhancing investments in transport, energy and telecommunications in the region. This improvement promotes further economic growth and development, thus helping the countries to address the challenges of poverty. Therefore, bridging the gaps and enhancing the efficiency of the Addis Abeba-Djibouti economic corridor is critical to both Ethiopia and Djibouti in their effort to improve trade competitiveness and diversify exports.

Selective policy measures such as developing a joint long-term corridor development plan, harmonising policy and regulatory frameworks and undertaking major reforms in establishing a joint corridor management entity should be the focus of the governments of the two countries. The high dependence of Djibouti’s economy on revenues generated from the corridor transit services to and from Ethiopia, and Ethiopia’s need for reliable and sustainable sea access to maintain the momentum of its double-digit economic growth, breed a conducive environment for the business communities and governments of both countries. They must come forward with greater urgency and commitment to developing the corridor for long-term use.

Othering: Virus More Dangerous than COVID-19

We thought it was a mobile app, an exchange of ideas, a hotel, a newspaper, a website, an interpretation of historical data (one way or another), a name, a bottle of water, a kid dying in the street, unity, justice, a party or a religion. But these things have become symbols of “the other.” This is contemporary Ethiopia.

Nearly everything has become transfigured by identity. The thick moss of othering – seeing others as unrelated or less than ourselves – is growing over every inch of society and the inner society of our minds.

Success is a cause for resentment – “they” must have been privileged because of their identity (sometimes true). Struggle is proof of victimisation – “we” have been oppressed because of our identity (sometimes true).

Politics has become the promise of “our turn” – not political policies but power emanating from one’s identity, not a better future for all but a better future for “us.”

There is no shortage of stories to illustrate this reality.

Not long ago, I walked with several beautiful little girls, who literally bowed their tender faces to the dust in reverence for their church. I was touched by their piety. But then they spoke venomous, extremist hatred for other ethnic groups.

What had their priests, their parents, their politicians taught them?

These beautiful, religious little children were infected with a virus more dangerous than COVID-19 – hate for others.

Another time, I encountered a brilliant business that was providing jobs and opportunity for countless rural farmers. But the local youth heard a false rumour that it belonged to someone from another ethnic group. They shot bullets at it and promised to blow it up with a rocket launcher if the business was not transferred to one of “theirs”.

Who cares about unemployment and poverty?

Either it belongs to “us”, or it must be destroyed!

Yet another time, a prominent man with a kind heart took in a street boy to live with his family. But he could not tell his mother, because this boy is from the other ethnic group, and his mother would be angry that her son would let a boy from “them” into his home. He cannot even say his name. His compassion must remain secret even from his mother.

I experienced this firsthand after I helped a diabetic boy lying motionless in Mexico Square a few weeks ago. When I told his story on Facebook, several commenters ridiculed the story as a “fabrication” or “propaganda,” because the boy’s name indicates that he is from an ethnic group they apparently hate.

This is the reality. Religion, job creation, basic compassion – it has all become charged with othering.

Worship God and hate one’s neighbour – no contradiction. Destroy jobs and love one’s community – no contradiction. Be family but keep it a secret – no contradiction. Help the dying – but only as long as they are one of ours.

Albert Camus’s brilliant 1947 novel “The Plague” may give us the most profound insight into our current situation.

A man walks down the staircase in a hotel and trips over a dead rat. When he tells the doorman, the doorman is offended: “There are no rats in this hotel! How dare you say such a nasty thing!”

Even when dead rats are found in the streets, the officials deny it: “Our city doesn’t have rats!”

And then dead rats are found everywhere, and people can no longer deny the plague. But, then, of course, it is too late. The plague has overtaken the city, and people are dying and desperate to escape.

Othering is consuming Ethiopia. Others are seen as less or unrelated to oneself and one’s group. In fact, self and group have become nearly the same – a radical reduction of personhood into communal identity.

“We no longer have relationships; we have associations,” as a brilliant friend told me.

Identity has become externally aggressive and internally totalitarian.

“I thought I am a human being, but I have been regarded by others as a symbol of ethnicity. I cannot have my own opinion on almost anything. I cannot interact with others freely for fear that my actions and opinions would be interpreted as an attack against some ethnicity. I can hardly make friends with others for fear that some people may associate my friendship or partnership as an act of treason against ‘my’ ethnicity. I have become a slave to ethnicity,” a friend recently confessed to me.

Othering is fueling suspicion, resentment and violence. This condition is fueling poverty, death and war. The way we see others is producing the society we see – public killings, abductions, displacements, closed universities.

Of course, many will be offended at such a suggestion. Our religion would never do that! Our youth would never do that! Our mothers would never do that! There are no rats here!

But dead rats are everywhere. We can hardly do anything without tripping over one or someone throwing one in our faces. We all know this.

It is time to see the other as a neighbour, someone with precious value regardless of their ethnicity, religion or politics. A neighbour is someone close to our heart who matters to us. This is the historic ethical teachings of Judaism, Christianity, Islam and democracy. Neighbor-love is the lens that can heal our vision of others and the society we share.

“Identity is not a prison; it is an appeal for dialogue with others,” Vaclav Havel, former president of Czechoslovakia, understood. “Love for one’s fellow humans is the central commandment of all our contending cultures.”

It is time to celebrate our differences as a reflection of our shared humanity, which shines like a diamond with a thousand colours. This is how we came to be. This is how we can flourish.

The time is late. The virus of hateful othering is entrenched and rapidly spreading. We must love our neighbour or destroy one another.

“I have realised that we all have plague; and I have lost my peace. And today I am still trying to find it; still trying to understand all those others and not to be the mortal enemy of anyone,” wrote Camus in The Plague. “I only know that one must do what one can to cease being plague-stricken, and that’s the only way in which we can hope for some peace or, failing that, a decent death … each one of us has the plague within him; no one, no one on earth is free from it.

“And I know, too, that we must keep endless watch on ourselves lest in a careless moment we breathe in somebody’s face and fasten the infection on him … The good man, the man who infects hardly anyone, is the one who has the fewest lapses of attention.”

Whatever Happened to Political Parties` Code of Conduct?

By the day, Ethiopians are inching closer to national elections on federal and regional levels that are scheduled for August this year. It embodies both hope and promise as well as fear and uncertainty. So much will be at stake, making this year a consequential threshold. Come August, and the elections will be less battlegrounds for power politics as they will most likely be a referendum on the Ethiopian state.

Concern over emerging tensions between contending political parties may be growing. However, political parties are entering into the electoral race with a backdrop of encompassing agreement to commit themselves to a set of rules comprising do`s and do nots.

Representatives of political parties gathered at Hilton Addis Hotel on March 14, 2019, and signed a document that holds them to a higher standard of political conduct. No doubt it was a historical moment: a good day for Ethiopia`s politics. Each signing overseen by Birtukan Mideksa, head of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), even the arduous process of deliberation did not seem to deter the politicians from appearing to be in good spirits.

In that rare show of political goodwill, 108 parties became signatories to a document that sets rules and guidelines on their operations and political activities. The incumbent EPRDF stood alongside many, including those who returned from exile and the armed rebellion, to honour the document that incorporates significant commitments by all sides.

The main trade-offs were for the political opposition to recognise the Constitution and the constitutional order while denouncing violence to advance political agendas. The incumbent agreed not to entangle its party machinery with that of the state and not to deploy state resources in the service of a partisan agenda.

The first of its kind, despite earlier attempts that nonetheless lacked inclusivity, the document contained 20 articles and three chapters that set rules on the conduct of parties as they attempt to gain constituencies and win seats in regional, local and federal councils.

The document also established a council made of all the signatories, which would have a different chair, vice-chair and secretariat every six months and meets every quarter of a year. A committee would be set up to investigate allegations whenever there are believed to be violations of the code of conduct by a party, or parties. If found guilty, the party or parties would be named and shamed before the public. Repeat offenders may be kicked out of the council.

The signing of the code of conduct was no small feat considering the lack of effort to ensure inclusivity by the incumbents and the opposition’s historical distrust of those in power. It was a concession on the part of the opposition parties to recognise the legitimacy of the state by promising to abide by the current constitutional order. It was also an early triumph for the Electoral Board in ensuring that the upcoming general elections would be as credible as the situation permits.

That was the assumption at least.

A year after the signing ceremony, the code of conduct has been all but forgotten. Not a peep has been heard from the council nor have any articles been invoked to keep parties accountable, as old habits continue to provide the rules of the game. In the face of an increasingly uglier power contestation, which is claiming lives and presenting an existential threat to the country, a document that could have been used to regulate the poor political conduct of parties remains unexploited.

The political space is crowded with recriminations and counter-recriminations. Most major opposition political parties stand accused of perpetrating violence. At the same time, the incumbent is criticised every other week or month for lacking transparency, using state resources for political gain and allegedly committing human and political rights’ abuses.

In the past few months, both the National Movement of Amhara (NAMA) and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) have accused the government of arresting their members and officials. They both lament ethnically-charged prosecution and intimidation by the state. But neither has brought the matter for investigation over to the council.

The council has also stayed silent in the face of the use of state resources for the political activities of Prosperity Party (PP), the sudden incumbent born out of the debris of the EPRDF. This is surprising given how it has been conspicuous in its use of public institutions and taxpayer money to advance its political agenda.

Take, for instance, the hours of free publicity Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD) received for his book, Medemer, arguably a campaign book, in public media during its launching. This is not to mention the new slogan that two of the state dailies, Addis Zemenand The Ethiopian Herald, have adopted: “Let’s unite with love; surpass in forgiveness,” an apparent reference to the incumbent`s talking point.

More alarming is how Abiy’s administration has fallen into an old pattern – the politicisation of the bureaucracy. The professionalisation of the civil services and its transformation into a part of the state with its own brand and character has been all but discontinued. Party loyalty is once again becoming a guiding principle in promotions and appointments, mostly in a manner that lacks subtlety.

The complete disregard to the possible redress the council could have provided is a symptom of the deteriorating relationship between the incumbent and the opposition. The goodwill that had existed just around a year ago is evaporating into thin air. It is evident that the opposition is regressing back into its old self. Its leaders are alleging that the state is illegitimate and that the democratic institutions are either incapable or unwilling to ensure credible elections take place.

There is nothing unusual about this. The opposition has after successive political changes fallen into disorganisation. They retreat to their support base in the face of an emboldened and ambitious incumbent and vow to fight from their respective cocoons. In falling into this tried pattern, they risk failing to keep the incumbent accountable.

The code of conduct presents a binding principle, and the institutional platform whereupon they stand on equal footing with the incumbent. Within the council, they have equal voices and leverage in decision-making. A condemnation that comes from the council, as an institution representative of all the signatories, would thus have an impact in the eyes of the public than individual remonstrations by parties.

The council’s endorsement has far greater credence in contrast to protests by individual parties for the simple reason that it would be seen as a body representative of widely varied voices. It is the perfect instrument for an opposition that laments its absence in government.

But the more the code of conduct and the council become afterthoughts, the more likely that it will lose its relevance. It will only be useful as far as it is utilised efficiently. If not, it will leave the opposition without institutionally credible mechanisms through which to hold the incumbent accountable.

As the polling date for the 2020 parliamentary and regional legislative elections comes closer, political contestation will increasingly become adversarial. After all, they will be competing over power to decide on the resources of the country. The competition will likely get ugly, and the incumbent may feel it prudent to resort to methods that contravene the bounds of the law.

In the absence of independent democratic institutions, the code of conduct provides the institutional platform and binding principles to hold the incumbent to account, perhaps not in court, but at least in the eyes of the public.

Ignorance Isn’t Bliss

Two years ago, Simegnew Bekele, chief engineer and lead project manager of the Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), was found dead in his car at Mesqel Square. It was a sad occasion, and a great loss to a country starved of skilled personnel to drive development.

There was not much mourning before his death was politicised and many of those that claimed to be shocked and dismayed quickly launched into what has become a beloved national pastime – fabricating conspiracy theories. This continued well after investigators ruled his death a suicide. Social media commentators analysed and re-analysed the circumstances of his death as if they were professional detectives with years of experience.

Nowadays, we find these people branding themselves experts on the water politics of the Nile with technical mastery of the operation and filling of the GERD. They do not say why a superpower of the United States’ stature would suddenly take an interest in a project that should not concern any other than the Nile riparian countries nor what the long term consequences for Ethiopia could be in refusing to sign any agreements.

Yet, they claim that nothing stands between Ethiopia and the operation of the dam other than an administration willing to shortchange an entire country for generations to come. They do not even try to reasonably explain in what way it would be politically expedient for the current administration to make an agreement that negatively impacts Ethiopia.

Recently, these same social media commentators could be found opinionating on the coronavirus disease (COVID-19). They were once detectives, then hydropower and geopolitical experts and now they behave like public health professionals.

They are convinced that an epidemic here is only a matter of time given that Ethiopian Airlines continues to make flights to China. Never mind that the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the Ethiopian Public Health Institute do not believe that it is prudent to institute sweeping travel restrictions.

Never mind also that the risk of catching any serious viral infections on planes is low given that the air in aeroplanes is purified using surgical-grade filters, according to David Powell, medical advisor at the International Air Transport Association (IATA), who spoke with CNBC, an American broadcaster.

In none of these cases, however, does it mean that there is no cause for concern. It does not mean that the public and the media should swallow everything that the government or international institutions shove down their throats.

Take the concern over the coronavirus, for instance. There are enough reports to indicate that airport temperature checks, though able to slow the spread of the virus, would be unable to stop it. Instead, an information card given to passengers that flew in from China, which explains that they must check their temperature and alert the local authorities in case of symptoms such as difficulty breathing, have been much more effective in countries such as the Unites States.

But these are all points those that argue with confidence that an epidemic is due any day do not bring up. They come from a place of panic, anger or political outrage. The people who say these things do not provide sophisticated arguments or do enough research about what they say.

Unfortunately, they are experts in one thing. They can appeal to our prejudices in ways we rarely notice. Before we know it, we usually find ourselves singing to their tune, making their arguments and spreading panic and conspiracy theories to everyone else.

It should not be that hard to do a little research now and then, especially when it comes to issues that are more complicated than they sound. There are experts, people with years of experience, we can and should turn to for explanations. It is only when we are informed of the context and understand the subtleties that we should pass judgment on what Ethiopia should or should not agree to regarding the GERD or whether Ethiopian Airlines should suspend flights to China.

Working, Trying, Expecting in Ethiopia: But Barely Succeeding

I refreshed my Facebook page over and over again, hoping it would work last Tuesday night. There was no internet, and my phone was unable to make any calls. I realised later that there was an internet blackout across Addis Abeba. It also occurred to me that I rely more on the online community for information than any other resource.

On that night, I had work piling up from people who would happily replace me with someone with a better internet connection. My aim is for them to never find out how bad it gets in Ethiopia.

In their defence, why should they care about some random African country and its problems when their interest is in their key performance indicators (KPIs)?

The struggle does not end there. As I try to get my business running, I know that most of my frustrations are not just about getting my project off the ground but the expenses that are related to the many things I have no control over. These problems are not mine to solve but should be the concern of the elected officials. Admittedly, it is easy to criticise a job that is not in my hands, but some problems have easy solutions.

It is not just our jobs that they are disrupting. It is also our sense of security. On the day the internet was off, I kept refreshing my Facebook page, craving news. I believed that the disconnection of phone and mobile internet networks was surely not a coincidence. I switched to a broadband connection. Alas, nothing but speculation from other, equally confused people. Like me, they had gathered near a broadband connection hoping to hear news or call their loved ones.

My head was swarmed with thoughts of the worst happening. Fortunately, during these times, living in a condominium gives me comfort. Listening to the non-stop noises indicates a reassuring level of normalcy.

“We are now live,” screams a member of the diaspora. He has an online campaign on Facebook, while the rest of us barely have an internet connection. He is working on a project that I would normally describe as forward-thinking, but now the bold display of hope he exhibits irks me. I am realising how my own naivete has led me to bleed my time, passions and dreams in a country that is my home.

It is imperative we view our time on this earth as a collective success or failure, especially in a country like Ethiopia. Even efforts made in the way of aiding the local government are punishable. We recently took the initiative to clean and partially reconstruct the sidewalk in front of the space we had rented for our business. Before long, it was being dumped on by our neighbours who were undertaking construction.

Our neighbours are constructing a building, and rubble from the project is spilling onto the public road. Their failure to pay attention to the impact they are having is upsetting, but worse are the wereda representatives who have come to knock at our door with complaints about our reconstruction efforts. We have worked to receive our permit for reconstruction, but one of the members was not satisfied, telling us with his alcohol-stained voice that there are too many people doing work. They continue to complain about the colour of our paint choice as they walk back on the road with no sidewalk, saying nothing about our next-door construction site.

When opening a business in Ethiopia, all problems become one’s own. Power shortages required a big chunk of our initial budget, because a generator is imperative. Parking spaces are hard to tackle. Different rules randomly come up and make opening a business difficult even though they were created without our knowledge or consideration.

While we cannot expect the representatives to have all the answers, we can expect logic and understanding of how we conduct our businesses. It is scandalous to have to pay to clean sidewalks only to receive a fine for the action. Neither is it acceptable that responsible citizens working toward leaving a positive impact can be ill-treated by the lower-level administrative offices.

The support provided to small businesses is what will expand the middle class in Ethiopia. It is these people who that can create work and make grassroots change. This is not to say that mistakes will never be made but government priorities need to be straightened.

While my local wereda has not asked my neighbours to clean up the sites that have been ruined or sorted out the parking availability for important sites, how can we meet halfway?

The citizens of this nation are not simply waiting with hands clasped; we are working, trying and expecting. We must expect that things are to progress not regress. Incentives and encouragement should be given to those who provide community services and those who make opening a business easier. While the government cannot be everywhere, there are significant changes sweeping the country when it comes to improving the business environment. Our hope is as pragmatic as it is demanding.

Each citizen ought to be held accountable for all that is expected on their part. Following through is what responsibility and love in action are all about.

Jobs, Promises Still Unmet to the Youth

We have gone through rough times in search of democracy and prosperity over the past century and a half. The story has not been different for the past three decades when major sections of the population were politically and economically disenfranchised.

Arguably, the nation is on a path of sociopolitical reform. The greatest reason for this was the sacrifice of the youth in many parts of the nation. These youth demanded justice and representation. Most importantly, they also demanded jobs. As Ethiopia tries once more to reorient its path to prosperity, we need to pause and ask how we are meeting these demands.

These questions are quite critical as the reality on the ground suggests that many youths are still struggling to get employed and keep up with the rising cost of living. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s (PhD) administration faces a lot of problems in job creation that its predecessors faced. But it also suffers new challenges detrimental to ensuring that the energy and creativity of the youth are not wasted.

The major challenge is stability. Jobs are created whenever people strive to respond to their needs and wants. To do this, communities need to have stability and peace in the neighbourhoods, qebeles, weredas,zones, regions or country at large. In the absence of this, businesses and individuals interested in making investments that create jobs will shy away.

It is hard to attract investors when religious places are burned, properties are destroyed, roads are habitually closed and innocent civilians are killed. If the government lacks the capacity to use its monopoly of violence to deal with the absence of law and order appropriately and ensure a stable political environment, job creation will be easier said than done.

The government must also focus on wage employment. Previous administrations, through “youth funds,” believed they could address unemployment by throwing billions of Birr at the problem. The current administration seems to be repeating the same mistake, giving out loans to organised youth, mostly in the construction industry, but without efficient strategies to develop business and support systems to help the youth thrive.

This fiscal year, the government plans to create three million job opportunities, according to the Jobs Creation Commission. Recently, nearly 1.2 million jobs were created. But this seems to be more of a matter of playing with numbers – 34pc were temporary positions – than a reflection of the facts on the ground.

The African Development Bank (AfDB) recently released its flagship publication, the African Economic Outlook 2020, which argued against such generalisation of economic realities. Instead of throwing the numbers at us, the Commission would have done more of a service if it mentioned how many of these pay a living wage or have been created by the private sector.

The current administration should design strategies to boost wage employment in the private sector by improving the ecosystem around it. It is estimated that around two million youth enter the labour market every year, but all of them cannot be accommodated by the public sector. The private sector must rise to the occasion, but to do this the government must smoothen the business environment.

But wage employment is not the only way. Many youth globally want to pursue self-employment by way of entrepreneurship. However, this requires an encouraging ecosystem with a nurturing state. Policies, procedures and practices should be aimed at supporting new businesses, not merely policing them.

One can take an example of the street-side vendors, where clothes, electronics and trinkets are sold. The government, despite recent efforts, has spent most of its time trying to get them off the streets instead of assimilating them into the formal economy.

It could instead ramp up recent efforts to formalise these businesses by giving them working spaces, collecting small fees and gradually taxing them. Such self-employment techniques should not be seen as a last resort, instead of an expression of an entrepreneurial mindset.

Current job creation policies, by way of the “youth fund,” is not only a challenge but a burden to citizens. If the intention is to create access to finance to those youth, we have millions of opportunities to do as such, which include incentivising banks to take risks on youth businesses.

There is currently a lack of professionalism in the management of the fund as well as issues of transparency. Given the business as usual tendency of the bureaucracy, even in the face of a changed economic and political environment, the private sector offers a way out of doing what is familiar and into doing what is most effective.

Even though, unrest is pushing the country into what most of us fear will be civil war, it is unacceptable to assume that there is no light at the end of the tunnel. We shall remain committed to expose the drawbacks of those currently in power and continue to contribute to a successful transition into democracy and prosperity. It is essential that wage employment is taken as a key government priority to lift many from poverty and that self-employment is given its due attention.

“The mouth does not eat if the feet do not walk and the hands work,” goes an old proverb, which is to say that it is essential that everyone works to prosper.