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Month: January 2024

Landlocked Giant Eyes Maritime Gateway Reshaping Regional Dynamics

Posted on by Digital Editor

The recent memorandum of understanding, signed earlier this month between the leaders of Ethiopia and Somaliland, offering the first a maritime access, marks a turning point in the quest to expand Ethiopia’s economic horizons. Landlocked and aiming for economic growth, its move to secure a maritime foothold is more than a logistical necessity. It is a strategic manoeuvre to boost its global stature and realise economic potential.

Ethiopia’s growing population and economic trajectory, poised for considerable growth, demands a far-sighted maritime strategy. This involves cultivating long-term and mutually beneficial relationships with coastal neighbours through a dynamic and multifaceted diplomatic approach mirroring its economic ambitions. The quest for a maritime outlet should be viewed as an extension beyond the immediate goal of securing access to port facilities. Its maritime ambitions are a reflection of the broader lesson in international relations – the importance of diplomacy and maintaining a country’s image on the global stage.

For Ethiopia, this means navigating a path that secures its economic interests while enhancing its standing as a responsible and astute member of the international community. The real challenge lies in steering these diplomatic waters with equal prowess. The vision potentially encompasses broader regional integration, which requires a tactful balance of national interests with regional cooperation. This demands a high level of diplomatic skill, particularly in managing regional expectations and ensuring transparent communications.

The agreement, primarily a leasing arrangement rather than ownership, demonstrates Ethiopia’s nuanced approach to the grand chessboard of geopolitics. However, the portrayal of this pact in various media outlets often diverges from its actual stipulations. The ambiguity is not the work of editorial oversights but could potentially be a diplomatic faux pas in a region where every action and statement is under microscopic scrutiny.

Ethiopia’s leaders might have been keen to clarify the nature of the deal, emphasising the aspect of leasing over ownership. The gap between media representation and the agreement’s actual terms could undermine regional trust, a commodity as crucial as maritime access itself. The distinction carries significant diplomatic implications, particularly in a region sensitive to nuances of territorial sovereignty.

Its leaders’ ability to delicately balance the country’s aspirations with regional and international expectations will be consequential. Their diplomatic understanding will be tested in how Ethiopia navigates the potential pitfalls associated with media misrepresentations and distorted public perception. Ensuring its strategic moves are not misconstrued requires a sophisticated communications strategy confirming international diplomatic norms and practices. This should not be about controlling the narratives but crafting them in ways that resonate with domestic and international audiences, reflecting Ethiopia’s commitment to collective and respectful international relations.

By forging alliances and partnerships based on mutual respect, Ethiopia can set a precedent for other landlocked countries on the continent and beyond. However, this strategy requires a keen understanding of the delicate balance between national interests and regional solidarity. Its diplomatic strategy must also weigh the long-term need for stable and peaceful coexistence with neighbours and the international community against short-term gains in access and infrastructure.

Ethiopia’s quest for sea access is a test of its leaders’ ability to blend economic ambition with diplomatic finesse, a balance that will define the country’s course in the years to come. Their approach to these challenges will shape its maritime future and build its reputation on the global stage.

Bridging Connectivity, Courtesy

Posted on by Digital Editor

A repeated phone call I made to a friend was met with a mysterious silence on the other end. Our scheduled meeting hung in the balance, and the lack of response left me with a multitude of hypotheses to unravel the perplexing situation. Perhaps my friend was absent from the phone, lost in some unreachable abyss, or maybe a text message requesting a call back had gone unnoticed.

My curiosity led me to be persistent. I wanted not only to address the missed meeting but also to ensure my friend’s well-being. When the phone was finally answered, a somewhat unconvincing explanation of a prolonged social gathering was offered.

Set on silent mode in a crowded hall, the phone had displayed numerous missed calls, mine among them. Despite the logical alternative of a quick text response, my friend who was aware of those messages chose silence, leaving me bewildered at the thought of sitting for hours.

Ignoring calls has become a common practice. But the principle of common courtesy suggests that all calls, regardless of origin or timing, deserve timely attention. Even if unable to answer immediately, a brief reply or a call back demonstrates civilised manners, preventing unnecessary frustration and maintaining common decency.

While acknowledging the right to privacy, the widespread habit of call neglect exists in a grey area where individuals overlook the impact of their actions on others. The disregard for incoming calls can lead to misunderstandings, frustration, and a communication breakdown.

Some may ignore signals of unavailability or disinterest. This invasion of privacy can lead others to avoid answering calls altogether or explicitly state their preference not to be bothered. Striking a balance between personal boundaries and courtesy is essential.

The confusion intensifies in cases of wrong numbers, where the recipient finds themselves entangled in situations not of their making. Autogenerated SMS alerts that flood inboxes are also an intrusion into personal space. From holiday greetings to philanthropic causes, these messages often lack recipient consent. The influx of impersonal ads adds to the noise, overshadowing personal messages and creating an overwhelming experience.

Aggressive real estate agents bombarding potential clients with calls showcase another facet. Once, I chanced upon a real estate agent who showed me their construction sites around the Ayat area. They gave me a portfolio during a visit arranged to their office.

The problem resurfaced on my mobile phone as I was approached by a myriad of calls from various real estate agents I never gave contact to. I learned too late that I was on the call list of mushrooming real estate in town.

The enthusiastic yet relentless pursuit of sales leads to a barrage of calls, transforming a potential investment into an unwelcome intrusion. The scripted urgency and time-sensitive offers lose their appeal as multiple agents adopt similar tactics.

With mobile phone use comes questions about the impact on interpersonal interactions and productivity. We find ourselves inseparable from smartphones these days. The sleek devices have evolved into mini-computers and have become an extension of our hands, seamlessly integrating into every facet of our lives.

The dependency is palpable, with individuals feeling a sense of awkwardness or disorientation when separated from their devices. It is not uncommon to observe people, particularly the younger generation, engrossed in their screens, creating an alternate reality that isolates them from their immediate surroundings. The transformation brought by mobile technology is undeniable, and even staunch advocates of a tech-free lifestyle find it difficult to resist the allure of these devices.

However, there is a growing concern about the impact on interpersonal interactions. Face-to-face communication is gradually giving way to on-screen experiences, raising questions about the implications for socialisation. The dangers extend beyond mere inconvenience, as evidenced by a report from the Times of India highlighting the alarming number of road accidents caused by drivers using mobile phones.

The debate on safe mobile phone usage while driving underscores the need for a shift in mindset. While some advocate for hands-free solutions like Bluetooth earbuds, others argue that any form of phone interaction poses risks. Even extreme precautions, such as avoiding conversations with the driver, are being reconsidered for the sake of public safety.

Mobile phones have become a common nuisance in public spaces. Employers are restricting use in the workplace, recognising the potential impact on productivity. The necessity of keeping mobiles charged and well-funded has become a rule of thumb to make sure the device is usable when needed, but the statistics on usage reveal a more concerning trend, with Americans checking their phones an average of 144 times a day.

The consequences of our mobile phone obsession extend beyond the visible surface. Health issues, from eye problems to sedentary behaviour, are on the rise, leading to the coining of the term “nomophobia.” The psychological impact is evident in the addiction-like behaviour induced by social media notifications.

Shockingly, mobile phones harbour more bacteria than a toilet flush, emphasising the need for a closer examination of our relationship with these devices. It is time to reflect on the true extent of the impact that mobile phones have on our lives.

Do we own the smartphone, or does it own us?

While the conveniences brought by smartphones are undeniable, disciplined usage is essential to ensure these devices enhance rather than detract from our overall well-being. The missed calls and silent phones serve as reminders that our unchecked reliance on mobile phones may be exacting a toll on every aspect of our lives.

Global Tilt Towards Self-Reliance Dangerous Delusion

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Over the past three years, COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine exposed the vulnerabilities stemming from deep global economic integration.

Now, governments and companies worldwide have prioritised shortening supply chains, rebuilding domestic production capacity, and diversifying suppliers. But these responses are motivated not only by pragmatic risk-management considerations but also by the goal of economic self-reliance, an aspiration that threatens to derail any stable restructuring of the global economy.

In his 2022 State of the Union address, US President Joe Biden promised to create an economy where “everything from the deck of an aircraft carrier to the steel on highway guardrails is made in America from beginning to end. All of it.”

These commitments were then crystallised in the CHIPS and Science Act and the Inflation Reduction Act, which offered sweeping subsidies and tax breaks to incentivise domestic manufacturing. The Biden administration has also seized on the concept of “friend-shoring,” which represents a kind of regional self-reliance based on national security and normative arguments.

In response, French President Emmanuel Marcon has proposed that the European Union (EU) pursue its own “Made in Europe” strategy. But, inward-looking shifts in production have not been confined to advanced economies. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has also vowed to create a “self-reliant India,” and even before the pandemic broke out, China’s quest for self-reliance was well underway, with President Xi Jinping reviving in 2018 Mao Zedong’s slogan of “regeneration through one’s efforts.”

Self-reliance is different from protectionism. The nominal goal is not to protect specific firms or sectors, or to undercut others, but to build domestic resilience in a less secure world. As an inward-looking strategy of preservation, rather than an outward-looking program of punishment, it appears benign, even sensible. But this is an illusion. Even if self-reliance is an understandable response to a world that is moving away from economic openness, it risks fueling even greater systemic instability. Today’s autarkic tendencies are a symptom of the fading Pax Americana.

The intensifying US-China rivalry and the widening divide between democratic and authoritarian regimes have increasingly impaired America’s ability to keep the global market economy open.

According to one international relations theory, a trusted and committed hegemon that enforces global rules and provides global public goods is a prerequisite to keeping international markets open. When the predominant power no longer has the means or will to play this role, markets suddenly become inaccessible. The hegemon will use protectionism to contain rising challengers and preserve its global status while reducing its international commitments. In response, new challengers, like China today, will undermine the international system by challenging its legitimacy.

Signs of America’s diminished commitment to the global liberal order have been multiplying. During Donald Trump’s presidency, the United States (US) openly rejected the principles and sense of purpose that had animated its international engagement for the preceding seven decades. And though Biden declared early in his presidency that “America is back,” his administration has only marginally repaired the damage that was done over the preceding four years. The US is still using trade as a weapon against China and pursuing an exclusionary industrial policy. At the same time, China, along with other emerging economies, has been building a parallel international system centred around its own institutions and partnerships.

The world thus finds itself in an increasingly unstable equilibrium. While the international economic order still exists in a formal sense, it no longer delivers stability in practice. Countries have no choice but to build up their domestic capabilities and regional groupings. As the world divides along democratic and authoritarian lines, international exchange will be based more on political discrimination than comparative advantage.

Historically, leading intellectual exponents of self-sufficiency – from Englebert Kaempfer, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Johann Fichte to Mohandas Gandhi and John Maynard Keynes – mistakenly assumed that such strategies contributed to international peace by insulating countries from foreign influences that encouraged war. But, the inward-looking nature of self-reliance inevitably clashes with the desire for larger economic areas or unavailable goods.

More than a century ago, European empires tried to achieve exclusive control over economically valuable regions, contributing to the great-power tensions that fueled wars throughout the 19th Century, before erupting decisively in Sarajevo in 1914. Similarly, during the interwar years, Imperial Japan tried to reduce its dependence on the US for key commodities by expanding its footprint in Asia; but that duly brought it into direct confrontation with Western powers in the region.

Today, tensions over the status of Taiwan, a critical link in the global semiconductor supply chain, epitomise this risk. If the fragmentation of the global economy continues, great-power tensions will likely intensify, increasing the likelihood of a clash. Alternatively, the US could come to terms with the erosion of its hegemonic position. While it still exercises substantial influence, it could take the lead in restructuring global governance to make it more inclusive and consensual. That is what the world needs to re-establish trust among countries and encourage economic openness. Mutual reliance among countries should be the goal.

To prevent the global economy’s costly fragmentation into separate blocs, we need less authoritarian-versus-democratic rhetoric, greater efforts to separate economic issues from concerns about values, and a renewed diplomatic focus on the global commons. Self-reliance strategies invariably lead to systemic chaos, as key goods and markets become inaccessible. Attempts to build domestic capabilities in exclusionary ways have never brought the national resilience or international peace that self-reliance advocates promised. On the contrary, such policies have usually been harbingers of conflict.

The Global Mental-Health Crisis Demands New Thinking

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The world is in the grips of a mental health crisis. From rising climate anxiety in rich countries like the United States (US) to intense trauma in conflict zones like Ukraine and Gaza (especially among children), psychological suffering has become widespread. Traditional healthcare services cannot keep up. These leave tens of millions of people at risk of serious pathologies and suicide.

More than 25pc of the world’s population reports feelings of social isolation and loneliness, and more than 150,000 people aged 15-29 die by suicide each year. Climate change threatens to increase these bleak figures. As the American Psychiatric Association reports, climate change can “lead to job loss, force people to move, and harm social cohesion and community resources, all of which have mental-health consequences.”

Contemplating climate change and its consequences for both “national security and individual well-being” can cause “significant distress.”

No groups are spared. Young people fear for their future; older people grieve the destruction of the world of their childhoods; and activists and climate scientists suffer from emotional burnout and despair. And this is to say nothing of the post-traumatic stress and depression experienced by those already affected by climate-related disasters, particularly in vulnerable developing economies.

Traditionally, a psychiatric patient would engage in one-on-one therapy with a trained doctor. But even rich-country health systems lack the capacity to offer such services as widely as is needed: in the US, more than 150 million people live in areas with too few mental health professionals. Within a few years, the country could be short by as many as 31,100 psychiatrists.

The situation is even worse in poor and conflict-affected countries, where traditional psychiatric interventions are often very difficult to access, if they are available at all. Consider my home country, Zimbabwe.

Despite being a country of 16 million, it has 13 psychiatrists and 20 clinical psychologists. The consequences of this shortfall became starkly apparent in 2019, when Cyclone Idai tore through parts of Zimbabwe. The storm’s powerful winds and heavy rains – and the massive flooding and landslides they triggered – led to hundreds of deaths, displaced about 60,000 people, and demolished 50,000 homes. It also decimated unharvested crops, destroyed seed stocks, and killed livestock, leaving people without food or livelihoods.

All of this contributed to mental health problems, including post-traumatic stress disorder.

Barely a year later, things got much worse. The COVID-19 pandemic forced nationwide lockdowns that further undermined people’s socioeconomic well-being. The resulting mental health problems were well beyond the healthcare system’s capacity to handle. But that did not mean Zimbabwe had no options.

The Friendship Bench project, which I founded, trains community volunteers without any prior medical or mental health training to provide talk therapy from wooden park benches in all 10 provinces of the country. So far, we have trained more than 2,000 of these “grandmothers” to provide counselling to their local communities.

The program works. In 2016, a randomised clinical trial found that patients with common mental disorders and indicators of depression who received Friendship Bench counselling had a significant decrease in symptoms. Communities with access to Friendship Bench services also experienced improvements in other areas, from HIV outcomes to maternal and child health. Even the grandmothers delivering the therapy report that they have benefited from a stronger sense of belonging and resilience.

Others in lower-resource countries have also been pioneering new, scalable models for delivering high-quality, low-cost psychiatric care to communities where it was not previously available. One trailblazer is Sangath, an NGO headquartered in the Indian state of Goa that trains ordinary people to deliver psychosocial treatments, particularly in areas with little access to mental health services. Clinical trials have consistently shown that these “lay counsellors” are effective in addressing a wide range of mental health conditions, from depression and anxiety to alcohol-use disorders.

Similarly, StrongMinds trains “mental-health facilitators” to provide free group therapy to low-income women and adolescents with depression in Uganda and Zambia. The organisation reports a powerful impact, not least in supporting communities affected by climate-related environmental disasters. And this impact is set to grow: StrongMinds founder and CEO Sean Mayberry expects the program to reach 335,000 people this year.

Western models of psychiatric care are too resource-intensive to be rolled out across the world, particularly in Africa and South Asia, where fast-growing populations and accelerating climate risks pose huge challenges. However, well-crafted community-based initiatives are both cost-effective and highly scalable. Beyond improving individual mental health and resilience, such programs strengthen community cohesion and encourage collective problem-solving, both of which will become increasingly important as the climate crisis intensifies.

Tackling the global mental health crisis effectively will require greater engagement from the international community. The World Health Organization’s (WHO) Special Initiative for Mental Health, which sought to deliver greater access to mental health services across its six regions in 2019-23, was a step in the right direction. But it must be sustained and expanded. Local and national governments and philanthropies should embrace new, locally-based approaches that have proved their ability to help communities cope with growing risks to their lives, livelihoods, and well-being.

Policymakers Ride Stagflation Rollercoaster to a Fiscal Cliff Edge

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In recent years, Ethiopia has been under the spell of dual economic scourges of hyperinflation and stagflation. These twin crises, manifesting in soaring prices and sluggish economic activities, are eroding the country’s socio-economic fabric and destabilising its political life. With a year-on-year (YoY) inflation rate surging past 30pc over the last two years, Ethiopia finds itself in a precarious position, facing crises that threaten its stability and growth prospects.

The impact of hyperinflation is most acutely felt in the daily lives of Ethiopians. The cost of living has sky-rocketed, primarily driven by significant increases in the prices of necessities such as food and shelter. These escalating costs are becoming increasingly unbearable for the average household, with many struggling to fend off hunger.

These inflationary pressures have placed Ethiopia among the top 10 countries globally and the top three in Africa for inflation rates, imperilling its economic growth and financial system stability. The private sector, a driver of economic activities, is reeling under rising raw material costs and foreign exchange shortages. Over the last few years, nearly 500 businesses have shut down, exacerbated by the war in the north and the scarcity of foreign exchange rates. This wave of closures has not only slowed economic activity but has also led to increased unemployment.

The federal government, too, faces an uphill battle against hyperinflation and stagflation. Confronted with a severe fiscal deficit, it has announced a freeze on new public service jobs. Given that the government employs about 20pc of the labour force, this decision will likely worsen unemployment statistics, particularly among recent graduates. Severe budget shortages and a foreign exchange crisis have hamstrung the government’s ability to provide essential public services, further contributing to the cycle of business closures and economic stagnation.

The causes of the economic woes are manifold, stemming from a mix of global and domestic factors. The global context, particularly the conflict in Ukraine, has exacerbated these domestic problems, driving up global fuel and food prices.

The war broke out in Tigray Regional State, with its economic losses estimated at six billion dollars and damages of over 20 billion dollars, stands out as a primary contributor. The war has damaged the country’s relations with donor countries, traditionally a source of aid and investment. The strained relations, coupled with the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, have exerted additional pressure on the exchange rate, fueling inflation.

The conflicts unfolding in the Amhara and Oromia regional states have further disrupted agriculture and transport, leading to shortages of essential goods and spiking prices.

The federal government’s macroeconomic policies have also played a role in aggravating inflation. In response to reduced aid, investment, and trade flows, the central bank has resorted to printing more money to finance the federal budget. In a stagnating economy, expansion in money supply has inevitably led to higher inflation and further depreciation of the Birr. The government’s decision to remove fuel subsidies, though aimed at easing the burden on public finance, inadvertently caused fuel prices to spike, leading to higher transportation costs and further inflation across various sectors.

Since December 2021, fuel prices have more than doubled, further exacerbating the cost of living and fueling higher inflation. The price of petrol has risen by 189pc, and diesel by 231pc. This spike in fuel costs has had a cascading effect on the prices of major food commodities, which constitute over half of a household’s expenses. During the same period, the price of 100gm of bread quadrupled from 2.50 Br, and a quintal of teff, a staple grain, saw a nearly fivefold increase to 12,000 Br. A kilogram of onion and a litre of oil, staples in the diet, have seen their prices quadruple and nearly quadruple, respectively.

Ethiopia’s situation contrasts with global trends of declining inflation rates in 2023, suggesting a rough path ahead. The inability to sustainably reduce inflation to single digits indicates that the worst may still be in the offing. Taming inflation in the short term remains a formidable challenge due to factors beyond policymakers’ immediate control.

The prospects for a swift resolution to the economic crisis appear dim. The goal set by Central Bank Governor Mamo Miheretu to contain inflation in a single digit by mid-2024 seems increasingly unattainable unless the country addresses its complex economic and political contradictions. Unless resolved, the ongoing conflict in Ukraine and internal strife in Oromia and Amhara are likely to continue impeding foreign investment and tourism, key drivers of economic revival. A further devaluation of the Birr is projected, which would only aggravate the current crises.

The uncertain peace and stability are bound to complicate the economic recovery further.

Policymakers must address the root causes of internal conflicts, which have had catastrophic consequences for the country. Halting these conflicts and creating a stable political environment is essential for attracting foreign investors and revitalising the economy. Once peace is achieved, the government should focus on creating a business-friendly environment, reducing bureaucracy, combating corruption, and upholding the rule of law to boost investor confidence and sustainable development.

Halting the war would also positively impact official development assistance (ODA), which has sharply declined due to the ongoing conflicts. Restoring donors’ confidence would be crucial for securing the financial support needed for recovery and reconstruction, indirectly responding to hyperinflation and stagflation. Policymakers can fight further fuel price hikes and maintain fuel subsidies to prevent exacerbating the situation.

The severe shortage of foreign currency is forcing major manufacturers to scale back production, leading to job losses and reduced productivity. Broadening the foreign exchange reserve is essential for businesses to operate at full capacity, hire more, and contribute to the import substitution strategy. With imports significantly outstripping exports, there is an urgent need to reduce dependence on a few industries and encourage growth in sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology. This diversification would create a more resilient economy, less susceptible to inflation and unemployment.

Extravagant spending on non-impactful initiatives should be curtailed. The government should focus its resources on measures that directly alleviate stagflation or create jobs. Introducing minimum wages as the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions called for lower-paid workers, particularly in industrial parks, will be helpful. Revising the current tax bracket to alleviate the burden on low-income earners is necessary.

Employers have a role to play in supporting their employees during these challenging times. Despite the constraints they face, financially stable employers can aid their staff by providing emergency loans, revising salary scales, offering performance and retention bonuses, and implementing financial literacy and well-being programs. Providing subsidised or free meals in the manufacturing sector can significantly motivate and retain staff.

What Takes to Build Democratic Institutions?

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Plenty of good models are around to help developing and industrialised countries build better democratic institutions. But with its abortive attempts to draft a new constitution, Chile is offering a lesson in what to avoid.

Though it is one of the richest countries in Latin America, Chile is still suffering from the legacy of General Augusto Pinochet’s brutal dictatorship and historic inequalities. The country has made some progress in building democratic institutions since the 1988 plebiscite that began the transition from authoritarianism, and education and social programs have reduced income inequality. But major problems remain. There are deep inequalities not just in income but also in access to government services, high-quality educational resources, and labour-market opportunities.

Chile still has the constitution that Pinochet imposed in 1980.

Yet, while it seems natural to start anew, Chile has gone about it the wrong way. Following a 2020 referendum that showed overwhelming support for drafting a new constitution, the process was entrusted to a convention of elected delegates. But only 43pc of voters turned out for the 2021 election to fill the convention, and many of the candidates were from far-left circles with strong ideological commitments to draft a constitution that would crack down on business and establish myriad new rights for different communities. When the resulting document was put to a vote, 62pc of Chileans rejected it.

A second attempt repeated the same failings, only from the other direction. A right-wing convention majority, emboldened by the public’s reaction to the first version, drafted a constitution that also was rejected as a step too far. This experience should sound familiar, because Chile is hardly the only country where an activist body has pushed for measures that a majority of voters oppose. Similar episodes are occurring around the world – not least in the United States (US) – and trust in institutions is suffering as a result.

Can support for democracy be rebuilt?

My recent work with Nicolás Ajzenman, Cevat Aksoy, Martin Fiszbein, and Carlos Molina may provide some clues. We find that people who have experience with democratic institutions tend to support them, but only if they deem democracies to be successful in delivering the kinds of economic performance, public services, and other outcomes that they expect.

What people appear to want from democracies is telling. Support for democracy wanes during economic crises, wars, or other periods of instability. It improves when the public enjoys the benefits of good public services, low inequality, and limited to no corruption. The lessons seem clear. To build a better democracy, we must start with democratic institutions’ ability to deliver what people want.

With inequality rising in many countries and global corporations becoming more powerful, it is reasonable for democracies to offer more redistribution and stronger protections for disadvantaged groups. But, again, the right and the left will go about this in different ways.

In Chile, the left’s hardline anti-business agenda seems ill-advised. A better alternative is the model pioneered by Scandinavia’s social democratic parties, which rose to power after the 1929 stock market crash and the Great Depression, when there was a palpable need for major institutional changes and policies to restore the economy to health and curb inequality.

There are many misperceptions about the origins of Nordic social democracy. While some commentators seem to believe these countries were always predisposed toward equality and cooperation, others view them as “democratic socialist” role models. Neither perception appears to be true. Sweden and Norway were highly unequal at the beginning of the 20th Century. Norway’s pre-tax income Gini coefficient (a measure of inequality on a scale of zero to one) was 0.57 in 1930. It was more unequal than anywhere in Latin America today.

Both countries also experienced frequent industrial conflict. The workers’ parties that later became social-democratic parties were rooted in Marxism. But by the time they came to power, they had started moving away from their earlier commitments to revolution and rigid ideology. Instead, they campaigned under a broad umbrella, promising sound macroeconomic management and egalitarian reform of the labour market and education.

The Norwegian Labour Party made its U-turn from a hardline Marxist agenda after its poor showing in Norway’s 1930 election. Like Danish and Swedish workers’ parties at the time, it redirected its focus to more practical matters, implementing policies people wanted. The party also promised a major educational reform to improve the quality of schooling in rural areas that were falling behind. After coming to power again in 1935, the party moved quickly to implement its “Folk School Law” the following year.

In recent work with Tuomas Pekkarinen, Kjell Salvanes, and Matti Sarvimäki, we show that Norway’s school reform did more than improve the quality of rural schooling. It also profoundly affected Norwegian politics, because many of those who benefited from the reform (starting with parents) shifted their allegiances to the Labour Party, thus helping to create the coalition that would sustain Norway’s now-famous model of social democracy.

Simply put, the party provided the services voters wanted, and voters rewarded it with electoral support.

The Swedish case is broadly similar. After its first election victory in 1932, the Swedish Social Democratic Party delivered on its promise of higher wages, industrial peace, and a stable macroeconomic environment. It was then rewarded at the polls for the next several decades.

Lessons are here for those who want to strengthen democracy and build new institutions to combat inequality and protect the disadvantaged. The first step must be to show that democracy works by forging a reformist agenda that will succeed in delivering services to the population. Attempts to impose extremist policies (of the left or right) on voters are doomed to fail – and are likely to reduce trust in democratic institutions even further.

Mending Broken Hearts with an Apology

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Missteps are inevitable in life. Like a fragile vase precariously perched on a shelf, feelings can be shattered by the most unexpected accidents. The key to getting through the emotional minefields lies in a simple act – an apology. However, its power can be undermined when accompanied by excuses, as I learned in a recent encounter with my house helper.

A pattern of breaking household items had been courtesy of hers these days. But was painfully apparent when it involved my brand new laptop, gifted to me by my husband. The devastation was not just financial, as the cost of repair loomed large, but it also disrupted my work, impacting both my personal and professional spheres.

I tried to swallow my anger, anticipating a genuine apology from my helper. I waited for an acknowledgement of her mistake and an understanding of the consequences. Instead, what unfolded was a smile and a litany of excuses. She failed to grasp the gravity of her actions, opting for justifications rather than a heartfelt apology which left me contemplating the essence of apologies and their transformative power.

Apologising is a vulnerable act that requires admitting fault and taking responsibility. It is not about changing the situation but acknowledging the hurt caused and embracing the consequences. In a world where reducing harm and justifying wrong actions seem easier, the true purpose of an apology often gets lost.

Sincerity plays a pivotal role in interactions, conveying a sense of caring and reconciliation when the past cannot be undone. The desire for forgiveness is universal, and a genuine apology can mend almost anything. It also anchors us to our core values and the well-being of those we cherish.

Refusing to apologise adequately is deemed a form of emotional abuse. It erodes relationships, causing long-lasting damage. It is a subtle yet corrosive force that, when neglected, leads to irreparable fractures in relationships.

Dealing with broken shards of trust in my own house, I am reminded that an apology, untainted by excuses, is the bridge that leads us back to our relationship with my house help. I try to incorporate it in my daily life consciously making an effort. My husband is the same. Our commitment to apologise promptly is a habit we have nurtured, understanding that apologies build security and satisfaction in relationships. Quickly resolving issues has become a cornerstone of our connection, preventing the accumulation of resentment.

The habit traces back to my father, who modelled the humility of apologising when his actions disappointed us. His example taught me early on that an apology is an act of strength that deepens bonds, maintains trust, and exemplifies respect.

On the contrary, I have witnessed the dissolution of a young couple’s marriage for failure to apologise. The rift that tore them apart could have been healed with a simple acknowledgement of wrongdoing. But the accumulated hurt over the years eventually shattered what could have been mended.

When wielded sincerely, apologies possess the power to repair mistakes and fortify relationships. Mastering this art not only benefits our connections but also roots us in our core values and a genuine concern for others’ feelings.

Hidden Costs of Convenience

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I was suddenly confronted with the reality of domestic tasks that had been conveniently taken care of before when my help had to leave for the countryside to visit her family.

While my husband does lend a helping hand, the workload appears insurmountable for two people. Our recent move to a new house has only added to the chaos, with clothes and belongings scattered around, waiting to find their place. Moving by itself was a demanding process, and cleaning the old space thoroughly was a challenge we could not fully meet as time slipped away faster than we anticipated. This experience led me to ponder the reliance we place on our household assistants.

Living with a housemaid has always made life seem more manageable. The dishes got done, the floors stayed spotless, and life seemed to function smoothly. The convenience of having a clean and organised home without personally attending to every chore is undoubtedly appealing.

With all that is going on in the fast-paced world, the temptation to delegate domestic responsibilities to a trustworthy housemaid is strong. However, this arrangement goes beyond convenience; it involves surrendering a part of our responsibility.

Having a housemaid feels liberating at first. Time once spent on household chores can now be directed towards personal projects, side hustles, or simply moments of leisure. Dishes pile up, not out of negligence, but because there is a belief that someone else will handle them eventually. However, this convenience transforms into a subtle dependence.

The apartment that was once our sanctuary becomes a stage set by someone else, and the detachment becomes palpable.

The most insidious consequence of relying on housemaids is the erosion of self-reliance. Chores are not merely tasks but opportunities to develop essential life skills. Folding laundry teaches patience and precision, cleaning spills sharpens problem-solving abilities, and maintaining a home instils a sense of ownership and responsibility.

Outsourcing these tasks means giving away a crucial part of personal growth.

Engaging in household chores, even the mundane ones, has therapeutic benefits. Cleaning becomes a form of release and a physical representation of facing life’s challenges. It connects individuals with the present moment, offering a contrast to the constant chaos of the digital world. Delegating these tasks means missing out on these opportunities for self-reflection and reconnection.

While hiring housemaids is necessary for some, those with a choice should consider the hidden costs involved. The consequences extend beyond personal to societal impacts. I believe a culture that prioritises convenience can harbour entitlement, expecting a life without obstacles and quick solutions to problems. The fruits of such trees are impatience and a disconnect from the community.

Breaking free from the allure of convenience begins with a conscious shift in perspective. Instead of viewing house chores as burdens, we need to see them as opportunities for self-reliance, connection with the living space, and moments of mindfulness. Starting with small steps, like dusting a shelf or folding laundry, can lead to a sense of satisfaction and pride in taking care of our environment.

MOVING WOES

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A pickup truck around the Laphto area hauls a pile of household items to a new neighbourhood. Constant arguments and fights had become ubiquitous across Addis Abeba related to loading and unloading items before a directive put forth by the Addis Abeba Peace & Security Bureau a few months ago. It has started to require registration for loading and unloading with the workforce sourced from the above 400,000 Peace Army members who volunteer in neighbourhood watch programs.

 

DREARY DUELS

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Two donkeys are fighting it out after a long day hauling items across the streets of Megenagna. There are around one million cart donkeys and 250,000 cart horses who work daily across the country. Ethiopia has one of the largest donkey populations in the world at over eight million. While often derided, the animal forms an integral part of rural life as an enduring partner of the smallholder farmer.

IRONCLAD

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The latest Sinotruck model TX Cargo Chassis was unveiled indoors at the Hilton Hotel last week by Sinotruck International and Hansom Group. Although commercialisation of the fright operators has been heralded as a transformative tool by the Ministry of Transport & Logistics ever since the 2022 proclamation, the transition has been an uphill battle for the transporters who feel it has been rushed and fails to take into account the nature of their business. Ethiopia’s logistics performance index has stood at around 126 from 167 countries for the better part of the past decade. Protracted customs procedures, antiquated use of vehicles, and lack of properly trained professionals have all been part of the logistics milieu.

Private Partnership Avails Flight Payment System

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A digital credit service that offers customers post-flight payment modalities for up to a year was launched last week. Dubbed Guzogo, the mobile application is integrated with 10 airline companies including Emirates, Lufthansa, Qatar and Kenya Airways. A call centre alternative is availed for non-smartphone users where they can compare the prices of flights and choose destinations.

Tewodros Shiferaw, CEO of Guzogo, said the “Fly now pay later” facilitation goes beyond professional investments and proves to be a practical solution during security concerns where travellers cannot get their hands on enough cash for instant payments.

Partnering with Eagle-Lion System Technology, Sol-get Travel Plc launched the application at the Hyatt Regency last week. According to Bersufekad Getachew, CEO of Eagle-Lion, a system where travellers can get tickets from commercial banks was also availed with 1,000 branches in Abyssinia and Berhan banks with plans to integrate others in the coming months. Recalling the Covid-19 pandemic that challenged travel agencies and flight operators, Bersufekad disclosed they have provided agent platforms.