Societal Ills Necessitate that All of Us Pitch In

Ethiopia remains a source of hope for other African countries that were colonised by Europeans and still feel effects of it today. However, for all the positive programs and initiatives in the country, it is evident that there is a societal ill that discourages tolerance, shared values, progressiveness and dynamic work culture.

Research conducted in San Francisco helps us understand how teacher expectations can affect the performance of the children they teach. The overall recommendation of the study was that beyond the curriculum and teaching materials, a new way of thinking on the part of teachers is necessary to change the outcome of students.

The same approach ought to be followed to combat societal ills prevalent in Ethiopia; a new way of thinking at all levels of society. There should be dialogue and initiatives to encourage critical thinking at government institutions, organisations, schools and charities.

There should also be change at the individual level. We ought to be open, positive and engaged in matters not directly tied to our professional or personal lives. We must encompass virtues and must not compromise. There is a sinking ship or a plane under heavy turbulence and we are on board.

Do we sit and complain about it or become the change we want to see instituted? Do we take the initiative for such change or do we wait for it to come knocking at our doors?

At the organisational level, as part of other policies companies have, each ought to create policies that enrich employee values around issues that are vital to society and enforce them with tenacity. No organisation should allow any form of discrimination and must be burdened to uphold periodical engagement in conducting employee awareness of such policies in mandatory training sessions.

It would also help to have an open door policy to higher officials for customer inquiries that otherwise creates a ring of unprofessionalism and underhandedness that hinders development.

Scientific approaches will similarly play a crucial factor, where sociologists, psychologists and psychiatrists can be encouraged to initiate a process of understanding and communicating the why and how of social behaviours and interactions. The initial process of healing is always carefully mapping and understanding the path that brought us to our current state.

Perhaps, the most vital initiative that deserves priority is the cultivation of tolerance and curiosity in children during the early ages of their development. This process requires the importance of improving education policies with the objective of making them encourage critical thinking and innovativeness.

Though the current state of our country is disillusioning and threatens to cloud the good things already in place in the country, it is wise to reflect on the contemporary. Such experiences ought to inform curriculums in elementary schools instead of solely bombarding students with matters that bare little to no resemblance to everyday life.

Media outlets also have a significant part to play, in informing the public, drawing caparisons, being progressive and challenging the status quo instead of playing to its tune. Despite the relative freedom that they have in the country today, they are unfortunately ruining the opportunity to rise to the challenge.

To understand and address our social ills, it will take nothing less than such a nationwide and comprehensive movement. Strong and autonomous institutions are important but creating an informed public aware of its rights and duties, is inquisitive and thinks critically is not a duty that can solely be undertaken by the government.

We need to open our eyes and approach with an open heart to search for solutions and address shortcomings. I am hoping such a national movement will get not just the attention of the government but be supported by international non-government institutions with the capacity to put the necessary resources into its execution.

Such a national effort may help initiate and communicate support in finding hope for our seemingly hopeless state and encourage citizens to see the hope that a mother under labour expects to see after delivery.

The Jury Still Out on the Judiciary

After Attorney General Berhanu Tsegaye’s announcement of an investigation into corruption and human rights abuses, the wave of arrests of senior government officials and the concerted media campaign into the matter, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD) released a statement titled “Let’s Fight Cancer Together.”

It was not a call to fight a disease that harms human health. It was instead a juxtaposition between the effects and processes of the spread of cancer inside the human body with that of the abuse of power within the state. It was indeed a shrewd comparison in that cancers are caused by growths of the cell that are part of the body, and they may be mighty hard to cure if detections are not made early on. The statement concluded by stressing that probes into corruption and human rights abuses would continue so that the alleged criminals can be rooted out, and justice and accountability can be exacted.

The statement’s crux though was flawed. It indulges in the short-sighted view that the abuse of power, and the consequential political and economic disenfranchisement of the majority, is the doing of a few individuals with ill intent. Indeed, accountability is crucial but so is the institutionalisation of power.

As cancer thrives in a person who does not undergo periodic check-ups, and drinks, smokes and does not exercise, the abuse of power spreads in a state where there are no checks and balances in government, the media is partial, and the courts are used as an instrument to advance a political agenda. Rooting out the cancerous cells only offers a temporary break and does not ensure against future relapses.

Ethiopia is hardly new to the grand probes of the sort being undertaken now. Experience has shown that they have served as preludes to get rid of political foes, distract from economic problems, consolidate power or curry public favour. The individuals suspected may be guilty but accountability in government, with the benefit of hindsight, has rarely been the prime objective. Unfortunately, collective memory is usually short-term.

That the coverage by the public media outlets was one-sided and seemed coordinated, and that it resembles past probes in style, should have given many a moment of pause. Regrettably, few are the voices stressing that such probes are taking place in a country where, despite many extolled appointments of fresh faces to leadership positions, institutions such as the courts remain weak and parliament mostly continues to play to the tune of the executive body.

There is hope that this time around will be different.

It is evident that holding officials to account cannot be suspended until such a time that institutions can attain the public’s trust. As long as the state continues to exist and holds sway over the distribution of resources, a system of checks, however weak they may be, ought to be retained.

But probes into allegations of corruption and rights abuses need to be scrutinised. It is incumbent upon the public, advocacy groups and the media to rise above biases, call for the fair administration of justice and unequivocally condemn flaws within court proceedings.

How the impending trial will be handled will determine the trajectory of the political reforms currently being undertaken by the administration of Prime Minister Abiy and will set the stage for how officials will conduct themselves and use power for the years to come. If the take away is that justice continues to be selective and administered with political bias in mind, it will not be accountability that will be ensured but a political realignment.

If instead, the courts uphold fair trials before the law when charges are brought, the precedent for democratic maturity could be met. It will only occur if members of the judiciary are hell-bent on warding off any executive incursion made on their constitutional autonomy. Their recent history flags a troubling sign in this respect.

One of the first tasks Chief Justice Meaza Ashenafi, president of the Federal Supreme Court, and her deputy, Justice Solomon Areda, took upon assuming office was a survey of perception from 131 justices and judges about their job. A disturbing 55pc believe the executive meddles in their work, and a whopping 63pc admit that favouritism and corruption stands in the way of the administration of justice.

The jury is out on whether Justices Meaza and Solomon will ensure that this grim picture will change soon. One important litmus test will be to see how the alleged grand corruption and serious human rights violations are tried in the courts. If the courts uphold their constitutional duty to presume the innocence of the accused until proven guilty; ensure that the suspects under custody are treated fairly; transparent proceedings are held; and the righ to a speedy trial is guaranteed, it will be a step in the right direction. It will also be a new era for Ethiopia.

The focus in times of complexity and uncertainty should be to resist the urge to buy into biases, take a critical view and resist interference by the executive. It is about the courage to uphold the rule of law without fear of the powerful and without currying favours for those who are connected. The temptation to falter in these regards could be hard to withstand.

Rightly, Abiy’s analogy shows that the misuse of monopoly of violence and abuse of public funds is a consequence of few individuals who act with impunity and without a moral compass. But such problems are the result of weak institutions, mainly the lack of independence of the judiciary.

Although many positive developments have been witnessed in recent months, power still remains in the hands of those in office, not the office. The same weak barriers exist to prevent the abuse of power, the squandering of national resources, and political expediency at the expense of the lawful exercise of power.

Worse still, when effectively politicised, high profile trials can be great weapons in consolidating power and mustering public feeling. Rhetoric and the prosecution of a few individuals – guilty or not – may make it look like things have changed. But there is hardly any replacement for the institutionalisation of power, which should be the primary area of focus.

Truth Sets Us Free

Clichés may be, well, clichés, but not without reason.

The saying that “those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it,” has become more famous than the philosopher, George Santayana, who coined it, because in recording history more accurately, we have come to notice that he has hit the nail on the head.

Historical recurrences are not wholly identical, but the similarities are astonishing. Even more surprising is that for all humanity’s advancement in making information widely accessible, history keeps repeating itself.

This is all the more true in Ethiopia. It should not be that hard to make a connection between the tectonic political changes taking place today and in the early 1990s and mid-1970s. But while few are able to take stock of the similarities and call for sobriety and a reorientation of focus and priorities, the overwhelming majority continues to indulge in the nationalistic fervours that trickle from the top.

It is of course hard to scold the public for such behaviour. It is not that they are bad students of history; it is only that history has been dictated by politicians. Everyone has a group, an agenda and a motive. The past is marked either as a time of complete darkness or as an utter utopia. Hindsight only goes as far as singling out the worst or the best in the past for condemnation or praise without a need for appraisals.

Of course, politicians will do this. It may be unethical, but there is no law against misstating, misinterpreting or falsifying the past. It is all part of the grand game of constituent politics and one of the unintended consequences of freedom of speech.

Instead, the responsibility of understanding history lays in the hands of the media, the first recorders of history,and the scholars of history. The latter is a group that is rare in Ethiopia. It is undeniable that there are many with that label, but there are few, especially of Ethiopian nationality or origins, who are objective, analytic and reflective.

The large amounts of literature on Ethiopian history can scant be swallowed with a grain of salt. It may offer a measure of the psychology of the time, but it is often regrettably narrowly defined. Most are written not to inform but with the specific objective of persuading. But facts are facts, historians’ primary job is to shed light on the past and persuasion should not reach beyond having to prove that a historical event did take place.

The last element is of special importance, for the behaviour patterns of societies and citizens are much more complicated than events. Today, in the developed world, there are surveys taken to measure matters as diverse as people’s happiness or political party and policy preferences. Even then, with all of the bulk data available, it is not uncommon to find errors.

In Ethiopia, comprehensive surveys are rare. Population numbers are debated, let alone measures of the policy or the ideological preferences of the public at large. Many try to measure the majority’s perspective of events based on social media posts and likes, and this may offer a glimpse into the wishes and behaviour of citizens. But even this is bound to come with a large margin of error given that not everyone is human on social media or that some people run multiple accounts. Additionally, urbanites are over represented compared to the much larger rural population of Ethiopia.

The social history of Ethiopia is faintly understood, much as its political history is. While theories and commentaries are always welcome, there representation as fact has done a great disservice to the current generation’s understanding of the past.

Reconstructing the past will be a mighty job, and while this is indispensable, recording the present should be done with care too. Economic history is relatively straightforward as transactions in money or the value of goods can be measured. On the contrary, political decisions and behaviour patterns of societies, which play a great part in shaping history, need an immense amount of information to responsibly account for.

Tolerance, Charity Sustains Beggars, While Gov’t Overlooks

The beggar is a venerated species in Ethiopia. The public space is open and available to the mendicant and the drifter alike without bias. There are few, if any, scriptures of the law that forbids, for instance, a middle-aged man from prostrating himself astride the pavement in front of Black Lion Bar and Restaurant every morning in Piassa.

The man arrives at his post as regular as a banker, lays out a crumpled piece of soiled plastic sheet to the side, his begging bowel, apparently; and stretches down full length on his back and ostensibly goes to sleep. His arms folded on his chest, his eyes closed with nary a flicker of movements. He remains in that position for hours, unperturbed by the hassle and bustle of taxis, buses, automobiles, peddlers, and pedestrians that create the great and deafening dissonance of the city.

There are no complaints lodged against him to the authorities for the inconvenience he creates by blocking a busy pedestrian way. Instead, the uniformed enforcers of regulations in the city often stand right next to him or sit in the shades across from him in groups of threes and fours chatting amicably, oblivious to the figure of the tall man lying nonchalantly beneath their feet.

Occasionally, someone will drop a coin down to him, but otherwise, no one seems to notice or care about this unusual begging style. He is a different breed, however, form the usual supplicants that crowd the city. Different from a group of blind beggars who harmonize hymns and keep the beat by clapping; or the determined woman who sits on Benin Street in Dejach Webe Sefer, begging all day, shielding herself from the mid-day scorching sun with a tattered umbrella. The woman, past her flash of youth, entreats for alms in a shrill voice, never faltering from her crouching position where she rests on a piece of concrete slab.

Begging in every form is tolerated and accepted in Ethiopia. It does not carry with it the same level of shame and embarrassment that the West attaches to it, nor is there a debate on its legality or constitutionality as a form of protected speech and free expression. Those are luxurious attributes of the Western world, where begging is not associated with subsistence, but with the excesses of drug addictions and eccentricities of modern life.

Unlike the West, begging is viewed sympathetically by most Ethiopians and almsgiving is considered a moral duty. Also, beggars are excused, for they are believed to have found themselves in their reduced conditions by fate, not as a result of their personal failures.

“Ethiopia will try to remove tens of thousands of beggars from the streets of Addis Abeba to create a more “conducive” atmosphere for the coming Millennium celebrations,” reads a 2007 Reuters article referring to the hoopla city officials were raising a decade ago.

More than 10 years on, the city still teems with all manner of beggars. There are numerous priests who solicit funds to build churches in some remote area using megaphones. There are plentiful vans that carry terminally ill people and collect charitable money from passers-by and beg through loudspeakers, announcing in excruciating details the conditions of the sick person in their cargo; cancerous wounds and horrifying disfigurements are put in full display as supplicatory tools; young mothers with toddlers and infants camp on the pavements begging; and children, orphaned and otherwise, swarm the boulevards in staggering numbers looking for alms.

The government has shown that it is incapable of halting the scale of migration to the urban streets, primarily caused by its own misguided land policies. It has also failed to provide the safety net needed to help those who slide into homelessness and beggary to bounce back to self-sufficiency.

The efforts to eliminate poverty have shown mixed results. According to a 2015 UNDP Human Development Report, Ethiopia’s human development index value was 0.448 putting it in the low human development category and ranked 174th out of 188 countries. In a policy blindly implemented by the Dergue and then followed by the EPRDF, rural land and urban properties were nationalized, denying Ethiopians the means of capital creation using their own land and properties as collateral. In effect, this government policy disfranchised and condemned a large population to destitution, particularly those displaced from their home and farms by large-scale industrial park development and urban expansions. It has forced huge migrations to urban centers where poverty patently shows its devastating effects on venerable populations of children, women, the elderly, the disabled and the disfranchised.

The government often resorts to the same old and tired ideas of the past in dealing with the poor and beggars on the streets – mass evacuations. There was the February 2003 roundup when beggars mysteriously disappeared from streets of Addis Abeba on the eve of the annual African Union summit in the capital as reported by the Irish Times.

But then again, beggars were rounded off the city streets during the first summit of the Organization of African Union in 1963 under the regime of Emperor Haile Selassie. During the Dergue, mass removal of the homeless and the vulnerable caught in regular dragnets around the city was common. But what has happened in the intervening years since the fall of the Dergue feels as if we are recycling the same problems, the same solutions, studies, programs, directives, circulars, foreign aid, international assistance and applying tepid attempts to tackle poverty. It is déjà vu all over again!

It is to be hoped that the new mantle of hope in the age of Abiymania will bring about meaningful solutions for the problem of vagrancy in the capital and the new administration will focus on land reforms to tackle poverty.

Graduate Population Benefits from Appropriate Management of Money

Few governments in Africa spend as much of their budget on education as Ethiopia. Ethiopia has consistently been ranked close to the top of the list for the past decade in a continent that directs 18.4pc of government expenditure toward education. In fact, between 2000 and 2013, Ethiopia doubled its education spending from 15pc in that period.

Ethiopia has invested in its growing population, and now it is time for the graduates to invest back into themselves. As a new professional, one can invest in oneself by learning how to effectively manage money to thrive in a growing economy.

One of the biggest hurdles in teaching the growing graduate population how to manage their money will be getting past the lack of knowledge of mobile money services and using technology to increase awareness of saving strategies.

Following the groundwork laid by other countries such as Kenya, Ethiopia has been working to increase financial inclusion. Whereas the nation has previously been very cash-focused, more and more tech companies are investing to revolutionise the way that Ethiopians access and manage their money.

All recent graduates should open a bank account to effectively manage their money as they grow into their professional career. Familiarising oneself with technology is another great tool to take advantage of. Aside from providing tools that allow people to learn how to budget, these types of apps can help Ethiopians automate their finances, monitor spending, save coupons, invest and even strategise their spending categories to optimise their savings.

The first step in managing one’s money is to set a goal. Most recent graduates are looking for jobs or are beginning their career in entry-level positions that provide them with enough money to get by. This is an excellent time in one’s life to start budgeting, as it teaches how money can be managed.

One should start by setting a financial goal, and then figure out how much is needed to reach that goal. With those numbers in mind, we can set specific amounts to spend on necessary items.

Here, it is crucial to begin utilising technology to make sense of where one’s money is going and how to manage it. There are many apps on the market that allow us to track, manage and even invest our savings in smart ways. These are low-risk tools that are available to recent graduates.

Not only can one connect cards and bank accounts to efficiently assess where one’s money is going, but it is possible to take a concise look at where money is being spent to manage it more effectively.

Once we have learned how to create a budget, smart ways to save and also how to use integrative technology that helps us manage our finances, we can begin to think about how savings can be invested to grow wealth. In fact, the world’s top billionaires note that the smartest way to increase savings is to grow it over time by investing it in creative ways.

One of the biggest financial tips for recent graduates in Ethiopia is to focus on the long term. It is okay if one does not feel like it is possible to manage an investment portfolio as a recent graduate. Not many people can.

Looking at one’s financial health is a process that can be taken step-by-step. If it helps, we can begin by planning longterm financial goals by first taking a look at where we want to be in life in five, 10 or 15 years. According to the goals one wishes to accomplish, such as paying back any debt owed to the government, buying a house or even moving to another country for a great job opportunity, it is possible to understand what is necessary to save and how finances can be organised.

By using budgeting techniques, smart technologies and investing, we can manage and grow our wealth by diversifying it in a way that will allow us to continue to thrive long after we have left university.

Saving money sometimes seems like a difficult task, especially if we are just getting started in our career. By being smart about the financial goals we set for ourselves, we can have a clear idea of what we need to do to achieve that goal.

Then all we have to do is stay committed to following a strict budget and avoid costly recurring purchases, and we will be on our way to investing in ourselves in a way that helps us and our bank accounts.

The Prevalence of Moral, Legal Culpability in Ethiopia

Not long ago, I came across something that should have been strange but all too common in Ethiopia. Around the main square of a town outside Addis Abeba at midday, a friend and I came up against two young boys embroiled in an intense fight with each other.

It was a gory sight to behold. But as the boys kept trying to knock the life out of each other, people gathered around them. Some dejectedly watched, others acted as if they have seen it all before and a few applauded. My friend and I considered breaking up the fight, but in a town that we were new to, we did not think this was wise. And neither were we able to contact the authorities in time to help end the brawl.

The fight soon ended after both were too tired and hurt to continue. One of the kids lost a tooth and was left with skin lacerations, facial swelling and bleeding. But it was the other kid that had the worst of it. Nobody tried to mediate between the boys or stop the violence, report to the police or call for help.

The violence could have been worse with grave consequences. Everyone that looks on during such situations is morally, if not legally, culpable. Most are merely trying to avoid being injured or becoming a witness. Cultural considerations also factor in. Few consider a street fight that leaves either side bloodied a matter for the authorities to get involved in, but something that can be worked out through networks in the neighbourhood.

But people that find themselves in these situations are culpable to the crime committed. They should report to the police, mediate between the parties or try to get help. If this had been the case, those boys would have walked off with their full teeth intact. Unfortunately, there are awareness, cultural and societal factors that guarantee that such situations are not handled appropriately.

Culpable crime is a crime of selfishness. Ignorance of such a crime is a factor, but in most cases, it is people being afraid of having to give witness, too busy to take the time to report the violence.

This is evident in the many harrowing stories of nocturnal traffic accidents, where they are not reported until daytime, not because no one was witness to it, but because passersby did not want to entangle themselves in legal processes. One can also notice variations of this in many people’s reluctance to get themselves involved in crimes of pickpocketing, especially of mobile phones and home burglaries.

Of course, the records of law enforcement bodies and the courts help in dissuading citizens. The speed and efficiency with which either of these institutions works and the unfortunate instances of abuse of power are not exactly incentivising for a passerby to get involved.

But of course that is not an efficient enough excuse not to respect the law, and citizens should be able to contribute their part to the betterment of this country just as much as they expect the government to do its part.

To control the crime, there should be a range of intervention activities to increase awareness within the community on the issue of culpable crime. This is not just through civics courses in schools and colleges but also through the use of mainstream media such as TV and radio.

Giving attention to culpable crime is very important for a developing country like Ethiopia. It helps crime prevention by formalising the process of reconciliation and information gathering. As in other crimes, the government should start to give unwavering attention to the growing legal issues of this manner.

Making the judicial and law enforcement bodies of the government efficient will also go a long way in making the authorities approachable to the public. There are moral questions to witnessing a crime and failing to report it, but smoothing out the relationship between the government and citizens should make it easier to do what is right.

Corruption Breaks the Backs of the Most Vulnerable

Abuse of power, incompetence and corruption can never be permanent, but it leaves permanent scars on a nation and its people. And without accountability and checks and balances in government, there will always be the risk of repeating crimes and misdemeanours on the public.

How institutions work and who gets to control them fuels corrupt behaviours in all ladders of leadership. This has been one of the highest problems in terms of overall negative economic impact. Corruption has the greatest impact on the poor and most vulnerable, increasing costs of commodities and reducing access to services and public goods, including health, education and justice.

In many African nations, irresponsibility, fraud and dishonesty are embedded in the culture of politics, not to mention the bureaucracy. Rarely do the offenders pay the price in the end. It is the public that foots the bill.

Data on international financial flows shows that money is moving from poor countries such as Ethiopia to wealthy countries in ways that fundamentally undermine development. Much of the world’s grandest forms of corruption could not happen without institutions in wealthy nations, according to the World Bank.

Corruption erodes trust in institutions and undermines societal needs. The values that can help us to grow and develop as a country vanish with leaders failing the nation and the people repeatedly. Skilled and qualified people are pushed aside from entering politics and leadership. They are prevented from contributing to the country’s development.

In Ethiopia, as in many African countries, power is not institutionalised and politics has pervaded democratic institutions and the bureaucracy. This has made implementation of policies to fight corruption and good governance complicated.

Thus, holding leaders accountable, and making this process transparent should be of highest import. It sends a message that reform is possible and that corruption and misuse of power is not tolerated. Of course, ensuring that this process is fair and that justice is blind is of prime importance.

It is estimated that bribes drain off around 1.5 trillion dollars from the global economy annually. Much of that money goes into the pockets and foreign bank accounts of a few. This is money that could have been used for public investment in schools, hospitals, roads and clean water, all of which are necessary to lift countries out of poverty.

By degrading social norms and civic virtues, not to mention the rule of law on which investment depends, corruption destroys the foundations of a healthy economy. For Ethiopians, who have to endure bureaucrats in government offices to get services, this is not an academic debate, as we pay the costs of corruption daily.

Every bill that corrupt officials and corrupt business people put in their pocket is money stolen from the people who die of lack of health care, starve for lack of food and remain poor due to a lack of education as well as communities that deserve a better standard of living.

The country should have zero tolerance for corruption. Bringing offenders to justice without considering political affiliations can pave a strong foundation on the effective use of resources, enhancing accountability on the side of the judiciary and the executive.

This is not just a case of empowering the courts to act independently. Consistently holding officials answerable to how they conduct themselves and administer public resources is a necessary means of addressing the problem. And that requires commitment greater than the platitudes emanating from politicians. This is a job for an informed public, a media that can see beyond what it is told to see and a professional bureaucracy.

Government-wide support and media involvement is necessary in fighting corruption. Strong institutional systems are important for increasing transparency, conducting impartial analysis of evidence, setting the rules of good governance and bringing those who break the law to justice.

Establishing strong institutions such as an independent judiciary; a transparent system to manage public resources and prevent corruption; and a multiparty parliament that makes it its objective to scrutinise the executive can expand the effective use of resources.

Establishing public complaint mechanisms can encourage and empower integrity, and scrutinising government activities and implementation keeps officials accountable. Tackling all forms of corruption is critical for progress and bringing sustainable change to Ethiopia.

 

Crimes of Fantastic Beasts Franchise on Audiences

In almost every culture, there are those believed to have chosen to flirt with the forces of darkness, surrendering to the temptations of the devil. Among these are witches, which Ethiopians refer to as tenqu’way, who are usually depicted and described as women with pale faces and disorganised hairdos. They are not to be approached, or so it is said, but many ordinary people go looking for worldly favours and sacrifice their spiritual selves.

Nonetheless, the Harry Potter franchise, both in book and movie form, has always been popular in Ethiopia. The witches and wizards of the franchise were regular looking people. They have their own government, laws, cultures and even exotic animals. They also have conflict, which to any regular homo sapien that knows anything about the regular world, as opposed to the wizarding world one, should easily recognise.

Harry Potter’s world has its own version of the clash of ideologies. There is a faction which believes that only wizards should be allowed to practise magic and rule over regular people, called muggles in the book. This faction believes the fact that some people are born with magical power is evidence of their racial superiority.

Despite this blood-curling piece of detail, the franchise is usually referred to us a series of children’s books. In truth, for all the magic, mystery and fun, the Harry Potter franchise is propaganda for liberal values, rationality, choice and rejection of identity politics.

The Crimes of Grindelwald, the second film in the Fantastic Beasts franchise, taking place in the late 1920s, before even Harry Potter’s father was born, deals with the same subject. It is not Lord Voldemort this time around that leads the supremacist cause but another morally deplorable guy called Grindelwald (Johnny Depp).

The film begins not long after the events of the first movie, where Grindelwald was apprehended. He easily escapes and sets his eyes on Paris, looking for a young man with great powers called Credence (Ezra Miller). But Grindelwald does not just want to abduct him, he wants to win him to his cause. He wants his own little Goebbels.

To the rescue comes Newt Scamander (Eddie Redmayne), a strange fellow who likes his beastly pets. The mission to locate the young man is given to him by a young Albus Dumbledore (Jude Law), considered the greatest wizard alive, but also one many believe could be killed by the young Credence.

This franchise could have been great. There is a story to be told. The franchise is supposed to be the prelude to the rise of the wizarding Hitler, villain of all villains, Lord Voldemort, and the twisted ideology of racial purity.

Unfortunately, both of the sequels have been more interested in setting the stage for the next chapter of the series. Unlike in the Harry Potter franchise, each sequel is not self-sustaining. When they end, each leaves too many plot elements unanswered for the next movie.

This is what I like to call the The Hobbit Series Syndrome. It made sense to split the last part of the Harry Potter book series into two movies, since there was a great deal of detail and character depth there.

But the two Fantastic Beasts movies could have been squeezed into one film. It was a waste of time to have had Credence die in the first movie only to reveal later he did not exactly die, or get Grindelwald imprisoned only to have him escape in the first 10 minutes of the sequel.

The attempt at trying to depict the wittiness with which those that subscribe to the ideology of racial superiority try to justify themselves though is commendable.

The same can be said for the acting. Depp’s performance as the villain is spot-on. Despite the many awe-inspiring performances he has given us, it is still unfortunate that he has played few villains and that he has stuck to playing strange, likeable and ultimately virtuous characters.

But neither Depp, Jude Law or Redmayne are able to save the movie. The petty attempt at trying to make a trilogy out of a thinly drawn story is too glaring and is overshadowing the justification for watching it, which is the fact that this is a prequel to the Harry Potter franchise.

The Office of the Prime Minister has…

The Office of the Prime Minister has introduced the public to a new logo, bearing the architectural design of a building that was built under the Dergue. Circular in shape and with a pine background in colour, it appears that the White House inspired the picture, perhaps revealing the temptation by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD) of feeling presidential.

Between him and his most likely presidential aspirations lies Ethiopia’s constitution, which has installed a parliamentary system of governance, claims gossip. Citizens do not vote for a leader but rather for the party nominees who contest the seats in the legislative houses; those parliamentarians then select a Prime Minister from among themselves.

Changing the constitutional provisions may not be an easy task, since each region, regardless of size and clout, has veto power. Nonetheless, this is only with the part where the constitution deals with issues of fundamental rights and freedoms, as well as the very provisions that refer to constitutional amendments.

The part that talks about the amendment of the state structure, where the powers and responsibilities of the president and the prime minister are defined, does not require that every region consent by majority vote. It is possible if a joint session of the federal legislative bodies and two-thirds of the regional states agree on a likely proposition for amendment.

It is not unheard of for countries to play around with their constitutions and swap the roles of a president and that of a prime minister. Recall Russia and Turkey?

Neither will it be insane to contemplate a possible constitutional amendment in Ethiopia so that there can be a hybrid of a parliamentary and presidential system of governance, claims gossip. Indeed, it may be one viable option to cure a polarised policy diverging with a growing regionalism if voters across the country are allowed to vote for someone as their president, while members of parliament and regional councils are elected through the parliamentary process, gossip says. A president voted into office by a majority across regional boundaries may serve as a symbol of unity to a divided nation, claims gossip.

In the meantime, a prime minister who fancies himself presidential is overseeing an extreme makeover of the Office of the Prime Minister that was established in the late 1980s. The ambience in the otherwise dull building gets illuminated while fitted with the most advanced and latest technological gadgets, gossip disclosed.

This makeover is followed by another significant renovation of the former residence of Mekonnen Hailesellasie (Prince), the Duke of Harar. Neighbouring the US Embassy on Entoto Street, the estate has been under restoration for the past four years and a presidential office has been added. Officials at the Palace Administration have planned for years to move the official residence of the president there. The idea was to transform the Jubilee Palace on Menelik II Avenue into a national museum.

There appears to be a change of plan here. Mulatu Teshome (PhD), pushed out of office a couple of weeks ago, was hastily relocated last week to a residence in the estate, gossip disclosed. It ought to be depressing for his family to land in a compound where water is in short supply and electricity is only provided from a generator, claims gossip.

Mulatu and family are unlikely to be the only residents in the estate, claims gossip. Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonnen, whose state-provided house in Old Airport area was handed over to the former Patriarch of the Orthodox Church who returned from the US recently, will claim one of the villas in the estate, reveals gossip. As will the family of former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, which will reside in one of the newer villas, gossip disclosed.

Telecom Tariffs Recede, Demand Surges, Service Plumets

Simon Derge has been running his small cyber cafe, Simon Internet Café, located around Lancha in Addis Abeba for the past four years.

His internet cafe, which provides convenience and ease of access to internet users, provides the sole income to Simon, who is in his twenties.

In addition to internet service, Simon downloads pirated movies on flash disks from torrent websites and sells them to his clients for two or three Br, depending on the types of movies he offers.

For the past four years, he has been paying 3,536 Br to the state monopoly telecom operator, Ethio-telecom, for broadband internet service with a speed of 2mbps.

The month of August this year brought much good cheer to Simon and those who use the services of the telecom giant. On August 22, 2018, the new CEO, Frehiwot Tamiru, announced dramatic tariff reductions for internet, voice call and text messages.

The company introduced a 40pc tariff cut on local mobile calls; a 43pc price reduction on texts; and a 43pc price decrease on mobile data services. The tariff cuts also included a 54pc slash on broadband internet service for residential customers.

The current price adjustments come after a seven-year hiatus in price adjustments.

These significant tariff adjustments have benefited Simon directly by reducing his operating expenses. His monthly fee for the broadband service went down to 2,400 Br.

However, Simon has not passed along the reductions in tariff prices he enjoys to his customers. Instead, the tariff reduction has taken his customers away as they start using mobile phones to access the internet.

“Most of my clients are coming to use my printing and binding services or to buy stationery material,” Simon said.

The other major concern that worries him the most is the deterioration of the service quality of the internet after the discounts.

“The speed gets worse, day after day,” he said, explaining that he could not even download a series of movies as he used to previously.

Another internet café owner shares Simon’s concerns.

“Since mid-September, the internet quality started to deteriorate,” said Samira Mohamed of Supernova Internet Café, which is located in Summit area in Bole District.

Samira explains the quality of internet service is good every morning but begins to slow down in the afternoon so that any download of files becomes almost impossible.

Since the telecommunications service was introduced in the country in the late 20th century, the country has been ranked low for having a very limited number of internet and telecom users.

Users have mentioned that accessibility and affordability are the main factors that discourage internet usage.

Ethiopia had 17.87 million internet users with a penetration rate of 16.7pc. Neighbouring Kenya, meanwhile, enjoyed an internet penetration rate of 85pc and 43.3 million users during the same period.

“The ultimate reason for the tariff reduction is to live up to customers’ income capacity and help customers get telecom services at affordable prices,” elaborated Abdurahim Ahmed Shaffi, Ethio telecom’s head of corporate communications.

“We made the tariff adjustment to make the service available to everyone, including low income folks and students,” he told Fortune.

Aklilu Melese is one of the low-income earners and one of the internet users. He works as a motorcycle delivery man. An internet user since 2014, Aklilu frequents Telegram, Facebook and YouTube as his most favourite services on the internet.

“I am happy about the discount for both the internet and voice packages,” he says, explaining cheerfully that the discount has made him use the internet more frequently.

The tariff reduction has increased the number of subscribers, according to Frehiwot, who believes that the previous prices had pushed away potential customers.

“In the past, the public didn’t largely use our broadband internet service,” she said, “but lately the number of subscribers has increased dramatically.”

Abraham Minwuyelet, vice president at Websprix, one of eight companies that install downstream fixed-line internet service, shares her view.

“After the announcement of tariff reduction, the number of customers has increased,” said Abraham, who co-founded Websprix with Dawit Brihanu in 2011.

Subsequent to Ethio telcom’s tariff slash, Websprix made amendments to its packages. The company was charging 990 Br and 1,700 Br a month for internet packages with a speed of 1Mbps and 2Mbps, respectively. But it has since adjusted the price to 790 Br and 990 Br, respectively.

Still enjoying the bonanza of the price reduction, business users claim that the slowdown has affected their activities.

Samson Gashaw, a taxi driver in his late 50s, is a member of one of the taxi haling services, Ethiopian Taxi (ETTA). He claims that his business is affected by the internet quality problem.

On average, he says he spends 400 Br monthly to get internet service. Samson connects with his customers via a mobile application.

Using the application, customers just tap into the options and automatically see the available drivers, like Samson, that are within close proximity. They can then send their request to a driver and book their trip.

He has to stay online and logged into the application in order to be seen by potential clients.

“Due to the poor connection, the application doesn’t even load these days,” he said. “Therefore, I stay longer on the internet trying to be logged on to the system, which is costly.”

“Beyond that, I am losing business,” he complains.

This can not continue, according to Frehiwot, whose institution has been undergoing major changes as it prepares for the proposed partial privatisation scheme of the government.

Last June the executive committee of the ruling EPRDF announced the partial privatisation of state-owned enterprises such as Ethio telecom, Ethiopian Airlines, Ethiopian Shipping & Logistics Enterprise and Ethiopian Electric Power.

“We don’t have a capacity and infrastructure problem,” she said. “We just need to install more communication modems to meet the growing broadband demand.”

“We are now in the process of procuring asymmetric digital subscriber line (ADSL) modems [a device used to connect a router to a digital subscriber for internet connectivity] to satisfy the demand,” says Frehiwot.

Beyond that, the company is increasing the bandwidth of the internet coming through Sudan, according to Frehiwot. It is also partnering with giant corporations such as YouTube to locally host their servers in Ethiopia, to decrease data traffic.

She stated that they are also working on a system that can enable users to top-up their balance electronically, or do the same at a point of sale in supermarkets, to eliminate having to buy physical top-up cards.

The other long-term solution is to expand network infrastructure across the nation, but the major focus will be in Addis Abeba and regional towns.

Yihenew Wondie (PhD), a lecturer at Addis Abeba University who had been working at Ethio telecom, sees a lack of proper assessment prior to enacting the tariff amendment as the main cause of the problem facing the company now.

“To minimise the problem, the company should increase its infrastructure like installing large and better internet servers,” Yihenew says.

He also recommends that the company suspend registering new subscribers until the optimisation project is finalised.

“The problem is not only for users but also for the company as its revenues would decline,” he adds.

However, the company is taking some steps as short-term solutions until major expansions are completed.

Effective resource utilisation is one of the methods currently utilised by the company as a solution for network congestion.

For instance, customers who have abandoned the service while still occupying space on the network and other system resources will be purged from the system, and the resource will be reassigned to new customers.

But this has to be supported by a reliable power supply, according to Ephrem Arefanie, Chief Marketing Officer of Ethio telecom.

“Without addressing the power supply problem, it is unthinkable to improve network availability and other quality parameters,” he said.

Dialogue has been started, and agreement points have been articulated with the Ethiopian Electric Utilities (EEU). With this effort, Ethio telecom can address power issues and ultimately contribute to overall service improvement, according to Ephrem.

(MADEBO GIRMA, TEMESGEN MULUGATA AND GENET ASMAMAW have contributed to this story)

 

Joy of Running, Selfies

A group of young women, participants of the 10Km-long Great Ethiopian Run that took place last week, take a selfie at Sidist Kilo. The popular event held annually for almost two decades saw around 44,000 people, dressed in white shirts and decorated in colourful makeup, take part. Since 2001, the Great Ethiopian Run has staged over 100 running events in Ethiopia.